Rapists And Mass Rape Instigators: India’s Dastardly Double Standards
By N. Jayaram
15 September, 2013
None but the most myopic or Hindu chauvinists could have failed to note the supreme irony in the two major events that took place in New Delhi on Friday, 13 September 2013: the sentencing to death of four men for the rape and murder of a woman on 16 December 2012 and the anointing as prime ministerial candidate of the man who is accused of orchestrating mass rapes and massacres of Muslims in Gujarat in February 2002.
While sentencing the four, Additional Sessions Judge Yogesh Khanna defended the application of the Supreme Court’s “rarest of rare” test as set out in Bachan Singh vs State of Punjab (1983), by saying it “largely depends on the perception of society”. In other words the judge was saying courts would be swayed by public opinion. Incidentally, in Barwani, Madhya Pradesh, the same day, Special Judge Devendra Singh sentenced three people to death finding them guilty of setting fire to a bus in 2011 in which 15 people were killed. There are said to be 477 people on death row as of now. That is how rare the application of the death penalty has been.
The sentencing came a day ahead of the eighth anniversary, so to speak, of the last time a man was executed in India for rape and murder – Dhananjoy Chatterjee. Following his hanging on 14 August 2004, there was a hiatus until 21 November 2012 when the Pakistani militant Ajmal Kasab was executed for his role in the 2008 attacks in Bombay in which more than 160 people were killed. On 9 February 2013 Afzal Guru, the Kashmiri who was convicted of the 2001 Parliament attack, was executed. The highly dubious trial and appeal process in the Afzal Guru case has been rightly condemned. In its order the Supreme Court of India said “the collective conscience of the society will be satisfied if the capital punishment is awarded to the offender".
That collective conscience was invoked by Judge Khanna too: “The subjecting of the prosecutrix to inhuman acts of torture before her death had not only shocked the collective conscience, but calls for the withdrawal of the protective arm of the community around the convicts.”
Indian collective conscience, however, tends to remain relatively unperturbed when men, including members of the armed forces, the paramilitaries and the police, rape women from Dalit, Muslim, Adivasi, Christian and Northeast Indian communities.
As recently as on 24 August 2013, a 20-year-old Dalit woman was raped and murdered. After agitations led by the All India Dalit Mahila Adhikar Manch, a special investigation was ordered but it seems to be getting nowhere. Meanwhile, self-styled guru Asaram Bapu, 72, who was taken into custody after widespread campaigns over allegations that he had raped a 16-year-old girl in his Jodhpur ashram recently, has moved for bail.
Indian soldiers who gang-raped at least 53 women at Kunan Poshpura, Kashmir, in February 1991 have not stood trial. In fact the Indian state is in denial on that incident and civil society has mostly gone along with the official stance. Soni Sori, an Adivasi school teacher in Chattisgarh, was allegedly tortured and sexually abused in 2011. The police officer who oversaw her ill-treatment received a “gallantry award”. In August 2008, Hindu fanatics targeted Christians in Orissa after the killing of a Hindu leader. Scores of people were killed and a number of women subject to sexual assaults. The state government has not bothered to address the grievances of the survivors.
Large-scale rapes and killings by Indian armed forces in Manipur have gone unnoticed by courts of law despite the fact that two panels headed by noted judges – Justice B.P. Jeevan Reddy and Justice Santosh Hegde – have looked into the massive human rights violations taking place in the state and recommended scrapping of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act., The Justice J.S. Verma Committee which was constituted in the wake of the December 16 incident also recommended review of the Act.
These examples are but a mere tiny sample of the horrendous and daily instances of atrocities against women, not to speak of children and men too, taking place in India.
What of the man anointed as prime ministerial candidate by the Hindu chauvinist Bharatiya Janata Party?
A number of human rights activists and NGOs have documented details of the anti-Muslim pogrom unleashed under Modi’s chief ministership in Gujarat in 2002. Just one quote from one of those reports might suffice to hint at the horror of those days: ‘Community leaders, NGO activists and journalists report an increase in their own fear and insecurity about being targeted next. In many villages women activists are being told, “We know where you live, we know you go to the field alone, what happened to the Muslim women can also happen to you.”’
Even a television personality of perhaps a similar caste-class background as Modi’s, namely Karan Thapar, failed to draw him out as regards the 2002 events. When the questions got uncomfortable for Modi, he simply took off his mike and left. Modi’s cowardly exit from the interview is, to say the least, an embarrassing spectacle of the ability of a man who would be prime minister to handle pressures.
Gujarat 2002 was hardly the first of India’s pogroms and mass rape incidents. In 1984, following the assassination of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi by her two Sikh bodyguards, there were many more killings and rapes. Some of the main organisers – Jagdish Tytler, Kamal Nath and Sajjan Kumar – have yet to face justice.
Some of the vitriol dispensed by upper caste Hindus since the 13 September verdict in the case of the 16 December 2012 gang rape makes for depressing reading. It is highly likely that there is a close correlation between those favouring the death penalty for the Delhi rape-cum-murder convicts and the supporters of Modi’s anointment as the BJP’s prime ministerial candidate.
A much closer correlation could no doubt be discerned between the pro-Modi crowd and those who rejoiced following the hangings of Ajmal Kasab and Afzal Guru.
The ruling Congress party seems to feel itself to be under some compulsion to appear more robust compared to the BJP in matters of internal security. And the current occupant of Rashtrapati Bhavan clearly has a penchant for signing the death warrants put up to him by the home ministry. Given this trend, the numbers on death row might only grow exponentially.
It will require major mobilisations on the part of human rights activists in the country and international pressure to make the regime see reason.
N. Jayaram is a journalist now based in Bangalore after more than 23 years in East Asia (mainly Hong Kong and Beijing) and 11 years in New Delhi. He was with the Press Trust of India news agency for 15 years and Agence France-Presse for 11 years and is currently engaged in editing and translating for NGOs and academic institutions. He writes a blog: http://walkerjay.wordpress.com/
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