New
Wave Of Political Arrests
In Bangladesh
By Wimal Perera &
Sarath Kumara
04 June, 2007
World
Socialist Web
The military-backed interim government
in Bangladesh instigated a new wave of arrests of top political and
business figures last week in a bid to consolidate its grip over the
country. In the name of “fighting corruption” and maintaining
stability, the so-called caretaker regime headed by former central bank
governor Fakhruddin Ahmed has assumed the character of a military dictatorship.
In the latest crackdown,
police arrested Awami League general secretary Abdul Jalil and two former
Nationalist Party (BNP) parliamentarians, Lutfozzaman Babar and M.A.
Hashem, on May 21. The following day, former BNP ministers Altaf Hossain
Chowdhury and Fazlur Rahaman, as well as former Awami ministers Sheikh
Fazlul Karim Selim and Rafiqul Islam, were taken into custody. Mayors
from both major parties and businessmen were also detained, including
Abdul Awam Minto, a former president of the Bangladesh Federation of
Commerce and Industry.
The Awami League and the
BNP have been bitter rivals for power over the past decade and a half.
In the lead-up to national elections that were due on January 22, the
opposition Awami League and its allies staged huge protests, accusing
the BNP of rigging the poll. Backed by the military, President Iajuddin
Ahmed used the political turmoil as the pretext for appointing the interim
regime. A state of emergency was imposed and in April national elections
were postponed.
Fakhruddin Ahmed declared
that elections may be possible before the end of 2008, but made any
poll contingent on combating corruption, carrying out electoral reforms
and restructuring the state apparatus and the judiciary. The anti-corruption
drive has become the excuse for suppressing any opposition to the “interim”
regime, which has taken control of all aspects of government in obvious
breach of the constitution. The security forces have sweeping powers
under the state of emergency.
The regime’s adviser
declared that only some of those detained last week were being held
for alleged involvement in corruption. Others had been arrested for
questioning about their knowledge of graft cases. A court ruled on May
22 that ex-minister Selim and businessman Minto could be held for three
and four days respectively. It also handed out 30-day detention orders
for former ministers Chowdhury, Rahaman and Islam.
Since the installation of
the interim government in January, the security forces have rounded
up at least 170 prominent political leaders, businessmen and government
officials. According to the Bangladeshi human rights group Odhikar,
193,329 people were arrested and detained in the first four months of
the government’s “anti-corruption and anti-corruption drive.”
The organisation alleges that 96 people have died in custody.
The BBC reported on May 21
that Harris Chowdhury, a prominent figure in the BNP government, was
jailed for three years by a special “fast track” anti-corruption
court. Chowdhury was former BNP prime minister Khaleda Zia’s political
secretary from 2001 until October 2006, when the government’s
term ended. Two members of the Awami League have already been sentenced
by the court, which was set up in early May. Chowdhury declared that
he would appeal the verdict in the High Court.
The arrests are not limited
to political figures. Police detained investigative journalist Tasneem
Khalil late in the night of May 11. Khalil had acted as a consultant
for the US-based Human Rights Watch and assisted in preparing the organisation’s
December 2006 report on torture and extra judicial murders by the country’s
security forces. HRW issued a statement calling for his immediate release
and expressing concerns for his safety.
The interim government is
also moving against former prime minister Zia and her Awami League rival
Sheikh Hasina. Initially it attempted to exile the two women. Hasina
was prevented from reentering Bangladesh after making a private visit
to the US in April. She was eventually allowed to return under pressure
from the US and Britain, but faces charges of graft over military purchases
during her tenure as prime minister in 1996-2001.
The interim government attempted
to exile Zia to Saudi Arabia but the Saudi embassy refused to grant
a visa. The former prime minister is under virtual house arrest.
The regime shows no sign
of holding elections or relinquishing power. Spokesman Syed Fahim Munan
told the press last week that the administration was looking for ways
to increase the number of “advisers”—currently 10
oversee 40 government ministries. In a separate statement, finance advisor
Mirza Azizul announced that the budget would be released on June 7,
but warned journalists there would be no post-budget discussion.
The country’s army
chief, Lieutenant General Moeen U Ahmed, who is regarded as the main
power behind the interim regime, told newspaper editors on May 23 that
a military takeover was “out of the question”. He admitted
that direct army control had been a temptation, “but we have resisted
all temptations because we do not want to be involved in politics or
run the government”.
In reality, what exists is
a de facto military dictatorship. The unconstitutional interim regime
is not primarily aimed at the major political parties but at suppressing
social unrest produced by the country’s backward economy and widespread
poverty. Despite their bitter rivalry, the BNP and Awami League shared
the same essential program—to implement the demands of the World
Bank and IMF for economic restructuring, which has produced a deepening
social divide. The current military-backed government is no different.
The security forces have
been called out already to suppress strikes and protests. On April 19
and again on April 21, several thousand workers from four factories
burned tyres, blocked roads and clashed with police. They were demanding
back pay for some 22,000 workers in the Khalishpur industrial zone in
Khulna. About 250 workers were injured, 79 were arrested and another
2,500 were charged.
The Daily Star reported on
the country’s growing social polarisation last November, stating:
“Studies show that the income of half of the 14 crore (140 million)
people decreased by the end of the alliance government’s regime.
On the other hand, the income of 30 percent people marked moderate increases
and the top 20 percent made sharp increases.”
Neither the current regime
nor any of the major parties has answers to the country’s deepening
social crisis. That is the real motivation behind the resort to anti-democratic
methods of rule.
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