What Will They
Do To Kashmir Now?
By K Balagopal
The Economic and Political
Weekly (India)
June 21, 2003
The several 'formulas' for
peace doing the rounds all require only
the satisfaction of India and Pakistan and the approval of the US.
The Kashmiris themselves have no formula to offer. It may be because
of political fatigue, or perhaps there is a deeper reason, for, to
Kashmiris self-determination is in terms of the whole of the old
state of Jammu and Kashmir. But this old idea of collective
self-determination has not been kept alive by the social and
political leaderships of the ethnic/linguistic sub-regions. The voice
of 'azaadi' inevitably sounds like Kashmiri particularism easily
conflated by interested parties with Muslim communalism.
What will the US, India and
Pakistan do to Kashmir? That is the
proper order, the US first, India next and Pakistan last. What do
they aim to do to Kashmir? For this time round, there is a certain
apprehension (one can hardly call it hope) in the Valley and
elsewhere in the state of Jammu and Kashmir that American interest in
snuffing out the germinating grounds of Islamic militancy - rather than
any Indo-Pak desire for peace - may well ensure some form of resolution
of the 'Kashmir dispute'. Indeed the newspapers a few days ago reported
an American official as having said that the Kashmir dispute would be
resolved by December 2004. Whether that will be before or after finishing
off Syria, the report does not clarify.
However, even granting the
sense of urgency that affects the US,
ruled by a coterie described as Christian fundamentalists by even
matter-of-fact analysts, whose faith teaches them to beware of the
visits the sins they have committed are liable to pay them in time,
and who therefore have reason to hurry and disinfect the breeding
grounds of Islamic militancy before a few more fidayeen are sent
westward, it may nevertheless appear that the apprehension that some
thing is going to happen by way of resolution of the 'dispute' in the
near future is misplaced. After all, India's offer of talks with
Pakistan is hardly serious. Has not the union cabinet headed by Atal
Behari Vajpayee set a record of sorts by way of double talk in the last
few months in the matter of India's attitude towards Pakistan?
Consider: its foreign minister
begins by declaring quite out of the
blue one day that Pakistan is a good candidate for pre-emptive
strikes and India should do an Iraq on Pakistan. Its defence minister
defends him, while cautioning that it is not yet official to say so.
The prime minister keeps mum, but suddenly goes to Srinagar and makes
a speech offering a mouthful of what the Kashmir press has described
as boons, including offer of a hand of friendship and talks with Pakistan
without any preconditions. And for good measure he adds that if this
effort fails there will be no further efforts. That could either be
taken as an index of his determination to make the talks a success,
or else as a threat that there will be just one effort and then the
Sinha-Fernandes formula will take over. The ambiguity just adds variety
to the confusion.
But as soon as the prime
minister leaves the Valley for Hindustan, he adds the usual precondition
to the offer of talks: that Pakistan
should put an end to cross-border terrorism. That really takes it
back to zero. But soon thereafter he gives an interview to Der
Spiegel in which he dedicates himself to the success of the talks
with such passion that he says he will quit if he fails. Just as one
thought he was at last serious, he clarifies that quit does not mean
quit and he will not say what it really means. A few days later, back
in India again, he reduces the offer to an absurdity: we have talked
of Kashmir in the past, so why not talk of Azad Kashmir this time? Musharraf
can respond by suggesting that we discuss the future of the Vaishno
Devi shrine thereafter. Seriously, does Vajpayee want the people of
this country to believe that he expects Azad Kashmir to join India?
It is believed in the 'shakhas' of the RSS, we know, but nobody outside
those benighted places thinks so.
So why should anybody hope/apprehend
that anything at all is going to come of this offer of talks that vacillates
between a nullity and a farce?
Other things being the same,
nobody would. In the past, Kashmiris have expressed scepticism with
their intellect and hope with their hearts every time talks have been
proposed between the two countries. They greeted Agra with scepticism,
but when Musharraf finally came over, 'glued to the TV' is how they
describe themselves. In the end, the scepticism was justified, but the
hope will probably never die.
But after September 11, 2001,
things are no more the same. The US, for a variety of reasons, wants
peace between India and Pakistan. Some of the reasons have to do with
both the real and imaginary fears of the hatred it has wantonly fostered
in the hearts of Muslim peoples all over the world and the monsters
that have arisen therefrom, and the others stem from plain old fashioned
economic rationality. In fact, from the time of the rise of militancy
in Kashmir, a section of its political representatives, more
particularly those in the Hurriyat Conference inclined to Pakistan,
have believed that economic rationality will impel the US to solve
the Kashmir dispute. The logic (in my language, not that of any
Hurriyat leader) goes as follows: the US wants free access to Central
Asian mineral wealth which, in the face of an unfriendly Iran and a
backward Afghanistan, requires the sea ports that Pakistan offers. Effective
utilisation of this facility requires that Pakistan be a stable and
peaceful society and economy. And that can never be guaranteed until
Kashmir becomes quiet and India becomes irrelevant so that the clerics
and the mujahideen who have used Kashmir to impose their rule on the
minds and the streets (respectively) of Pakistan are rendered dispensable.
The logic is persuasive, but it is remarkable that this rationality
had to be supplemented by the dread of the Al Qaida to realise itself.
All this adds up to the apprehension
that the Americans may force
some solution this time round. With some, to be frank, the
apprehension is in fact a hope because a sizeable section of
Kashmiris have reached the stage where they feel it does not matter
how the dispute is resolved so long as the guns fall silent and they
can stop dreading each dawn for the dead bodies it may bring home. But
only some. If India has hoped that it has by now reduced all Kashmiris
to this state, it is mistaken. For many, the apprehension is not a hope,
it is the negation of hope. They do not want any solution that will
cheat the memory of the thousands who have died these 13 years. In particular
they do not want any resolution that has not heard them and has not
sought their approval.
But it is evident that the
fixers who are active devising solutions
are working with rulers and pencils drawing lines straight or crooked
on the map partitioning the land one way or other to the mutual satisfaction
of India and Pakistan, their proverbial rigidity
rendered malleable under the weighty glare of America's eyes.
'Formulas' are already doing the rounds, and there are rumours that
India and Pakistan have already come to an understanding on making the
LoC the border. Nobody knows how true this is, but this is indeed the
favourite solution of what these days is being described as the 'civil
society' of both the countries.
Whether one sees it as a
just idea or not depends on what one is looking for. The well-meaning
individuals who compose what is being called civil society are looking
for peace and friendship between India and Pakistan. They are doing
so for the sake of India and Pakistan. They are not looking for anything
in particular for the Kashmiris, and are therefore unwittingly perhaps
joining with the two governments in treating the region as a piece of
mere territory. Nobody has as yet suggested putting this formula to
vote in the affected region. On the contrary, Brijesh
Mishra has been quoted as saying that 'when India and Pakistan sit down
to talk there will be no third chair'. He is lying, of course, there
will be an invisible third chair for George Bush or his appointee, but
what that arrogant representative of India's Sangh parivar rulers means
is that Kashmiris will have no place at the talks nor will their approval
be sought for any proposed resolution of the territorial dispute that
their lives have been reduced to by the two countries.
Making the LoC the permanent
border would have the consequence of forcing the Kashmiris of the Valley
to reconcile themselves to India, in spite of the repeated expression
of their unwillingness to accept that status. It would also mean permanently
dividing the Pahari-speaking people between the Muzaffarabad region
of Azad Kashmir and the Rajouri-Poonch region of India. That, surely,
cannot be done behind their backs?
Another formula under discussion
is that proposed by Sardar Sikander Hayat Khan, the prime minister of
Azad Kashmir. Until recently a support of the official Pakistani position
that the whole of the (old) J and K belongs to Pakistan, he has now
come up with the idea of making the river Chenab rather than the LoC
the dividing line. The right bank of the Chenab will go to Pakistan
and the left bank to India. It is evident that he is mainly concerned
with ensuring that all people of his own community - Paharis of Muzaffarabad
as well as Rajouri-Poonch - get into Pakistan, and his plan assures
that. But in the process it forces the Valley into Pakistan, whereas
it is doubtful that more than a minority would prefer joining Pakistan
unless the third option of independence is closed to them. And moreover,
the right bank of the Chenab includes also the almost totally Hindu
Akhnoor tehsil of Jammu, whereas the left bank houses the Muslim-majority
Kishtwar and Bhaderwah tehsils of Doda. These people cannot be thrown
into Pakistan and India respectively without taking their view in the
matter, merely because the Chenab happens to be a ready-made line that
nature has already drawn on the map.
Then there is another 'formula'
credited to Bill Clinton, among whose unsuspected assets was, apparently,
this ability to solve problems at a distance. This formula hands over
to each country the pound of flesh it demands, excepting the Valley
which is made self-governing under the joint supervision of the friends-to-be:
Pakistan and India, with Uncle Sam looking over the shoulders, of course.
Poor Kashmiris! is all one can say.
Everybody has a 'formula',
the common point of all the formulas being that they require only the
satisfaction of India and Pakistan and the approval of the US. The Kashmiris
alone have none. In a 10 days' tour of the state one was unable to elicit
anything more specific from the Kashmiris than a determined reiteration
that their right to self-determination shall be assured. One can put
it down to fatigue, but it is also a fact that the Kashmiris have come
to look to the Hurriyat Conference for all political responses on the
supposition that it represents all shades of opinion that dispute their
accession to India; the Hurriyat in turn, being in fact dominated by
a few shades of opinion, has lent its political support to Pakistan's
manoeuvres and is perforce tongue-tied when Pakistan is in a fix; and
Pakistan is truly in a fix not knowing how to simultaneously please
George Bush and the armed and unarmed clerics who have established a
hold on its society by dint of their disruptive capacity if not actual
mass following.
There is another and a deeper
reason too. The Kashmiris, when they talk of self-determination are
inclined to think in terms of the
whole of the old state of Jammu and Kashmir ruled by the heirs of
Gulab Singh. So long as the discussion is centred on the UN
resolutions, it is bound to be so. But after 55 years, that region
has not remained what it was on October 26, 1947. And it cannot be said
that the social and political leadership of any of the
ethnic/linguistic sub-regions of that very diverse state (including
the Kashmiri leadership) has striven to reach out to the others and
keep alive the old idea of the right of collective self-determination
for all of them. As a consequence, there is a certain ambiguity today
regarding the meaning and indeed the very referent of that right. When
Kashmiris talk of 'azaadi', the referent easily and
unconsciously slides from the whole of the old J and K to the Valley
and then to the Valley plus Muzaffarabad and back again to the whole
of the old J and K. And the other regions are either indifferent or
suspicious of the Kashmiris. Among those who still regard the old state
of J and K as a meaningful political entity, Balraj Puri has been almost
alone in pointing out to the intellectual and political leadership of
the regions their failure to reach out to the other linguistic and ethnic
groups in a spirit of mutuality and equity leading to the structuring
of a federal and secular order that can help keep alive the historical
sense of oneness of the state. This failure has meant that the voice
of azaadi inevitably sounds like Kashmiri particularism, easily conflated
by interested parties with Muslim communalism and separatism.
Not that the Kashmiris carry
upon themselves the moral burden of
cajoling everybody else to join the movement for self determination
and thereby disprove the abuse of communalism thrown at them. They are
under no such obligation, and their demand for self-determination, even
if reduced to the Valley, makes perfect sense, but without such an effort
from all sides the old state of J and K can no longer be a single collective
referent for the demand of self-determination. As things stand today,
why should anyone expect the people of Baltistan and Kathua to see themselves
as co-citizens of a single state?
A proposal suggested by the
JKLF leader Amanullah Khan of Islamabad is significant in this background.
Writing in the Kashmir Times, May 6, 2003, he has suggested letting
the whole of the old J and K area be a self-governing entity of a democratic,
secular and federal character for 15 years, at the end of which a plebiscite
may be held to decide whether they would like to join India or Pakistan
or be independent. Perhaps the period of 15 years is meant for recreating
the lost links between the regions and ethnic groups and recover the
almost lost identity. As well as try out the experiment of coexistence
within a single state of diverse ethnic/linguistic groups on the bais
of a secular, democratic and federal polity. It is an attractive idea,
especially coming at a time when such inclusivist idealism has become
old fashioned and the narrowest exclusivism is the most rebellious attitude.
Even so, it is doubtful that the Kathua-Jammu area will ever want to
leave India, or the Mirpur area Pakistan. A one-point plebiscite to
be determined by an overall majority may not be able to do justice to
all. Too much has changed in the last 55 years for that. Amanullah Khan's
proposal would however carry genuine meaning for Rajouri-Poonch, Muzaffarabad,
the Valley and probably Doda as well.
However, who is listening
to Amanullah Khan? Or to anyone from the 'disputed area'? It is this
and not the correctness of any formula for resolving the 'dispute' that
is primarily at issue today. Those who would resolve it do not even
accept that the real 'dispute' is not between India and Pakistan. It
began as a dispute between the people of Jammu and Kashmir and the contending
states of India and Pakistan. Time may have reconciled some of the people
to the disputed situation - the accession and its aftermath - but not
all are reconciled to it, and the dispute today remains between those
who disagree with it and the two beneficiary states. By pretending that
the dispute is between them, the two states are able to ignore the people
and talk of settling it between themselves. And now they have the assistance
of the world's primary rogue state which believes in no democratic principles
beyond its shores. This is today's problem in Kashmir: and we have no
solution in sight.