Iraqi people “just don't want to be occupied. Not even me, nobody,
would want to be. That's why we're giving them their sovereignty. We
are guaranteeing them complete sovereignty from June 30", announced
President George W. Bush in June 2004. Of course, it was a lie. The
Iraqi people continue to live under murderous Occupation covered-up
by a façade of a U.S.-installed puppet government with fake sovereignty.
begin with the 2003 ‘International Supreme Crime’ of premeditated
and unprovoked war of aggression. The entire world has watched with
deafening silence as the State of Iraq – a founding member of
the United Nations – was brutally attacked and destroyed, its
people terrorised and murdered in violation of International Law and
civilised norms. Illegal aggression has been redefined as peace, state
terrorism as liberation, pillage as progress, lies as truth, torture
as justice, and occupation as freedom.
sovereignty was tested on September 16, 2007 when Blackwater mercenaries
murdered more than 17 Iraqi civilians and injured many more in a deliberate
and unprovoked act of international terrorism. The puppet government
barked, but it was ignored and told to apologise. As usual, the murderers
were whisked out of the country by U.S. authorities. And although U.S.
Federal agents (the F.B.I.) found the killing of Iraqi civilians was
unjustified murderous act, Blackwater mercenaries continue to terrorise
the Iraqi population.
If Iraq is
sovereign, Blackwater criminals would not have walked out of Iraq free;
they would have been on trial to answer for their crimes. A sovereign
Iraqi government would have the power to arrest and charge all those
who are committing crimes against the Iraqi people. That is what a democratic,
sovereign government will do to protect its people.
rhetoric about spreading ‘democracy’ throughout the Middle
East was a pretext to justify U.S. imperialist ideology. In Iraq, the
Occupation has prevented and continues to prevent any form of indigenous
democracy to take place in Iraq. For example, early on, councils and
municipal governments were to be run by Iraqis hand-picked by Paul Bremer,
the U.S. Proconsul in Baghdad, instead of elected representatives. This
was designed to divide Iraqis, spread corruption and remove democratic
report by Michael Knights and Ed Williams reveals that a British-imposed
“kleptocracy” in southern Iraq where “well armed political-criminal
Mafiosi have locked both the central government and the people out of
power” . Both, the U.S. and the British occupying forces have
financed and armed militias and death squads, including the Iranian-backed
Badr Brigades and the Da’awa militias, the Israeli-trained Kurdish
separatists and the Iyad Allawi and Ahmed Chalabi death squads. At the
outset of the Occupation, when the Iraqi national army which defended
the Iraqi state and the unity and integrity of Iraq was disbanded by
Paul Bremer, it was replaced by these militias and Kurdish separatists
to act as the “Occupation dogs” to protect the Occupation
and to terrorise the Iraqi population.
brought no democracy to Iraq. Democracy is incompatible with U.S. imperialist
ideology. Democracy used as a last pretext to justify an illegal invasion
and murderous Occupation when all other pretexts proved to be a pack
of lies. What the Anglo-American invaders have brought with them is
not only a culture of corruption, but all the paraphernalia of violence,
communalisation and factionalisation of Iraqi society: dividing one
community against the other and indeed one faction against the other.
The aim is to deprive the Iraqi people of power and weaken their resolve
to end the Occupation.
As we all
know, the current puppet government was the production of U.S.-managed
“demonstration” elections. The so-called “elections”
were held under the guns of a murderous foreign Occupation. The elections
were anything but free and fair elections. The results were rigged and
the U.S. installed Nouri al-Maliki as prime minister. The purposes of
these elections were to manipulate public opinion, justify war crimes
and legitimise the ongoing Occupation.
If the Iraqi parliament – as an elected body by the Iraqi people
–, “has the exclusive right to approve and ratify international
treaties and agreements, including those signed with the United Nations
Security Council”, then it should have the power to end the Occupation
or at least demands a timetable for foreign troops’ withdrawal
from Iraq. However, when a majority of Iraq’s 275 legislators
demanded just that, the puppet government of Nouri al-Maliki bypassed
parliamentary concerns and requested the Security Council approval of
the ongoing Occupation. The Security Council, as a tool of U.S. imperialist
policy, has no problem approving a request which is unconstitutional
without the Iraqi parliament's approval. (See: Global Policy Forum,
05 November 2007). The Occupation of Iraq is an illegitimate murderous
Occupation. The Security Council has no right to legitimise an occupation
that is vehemently opposed by the overwhelming majority of Iraqi people.
respecting the Iraqi people wish to end the Occupation, U.S. leaders
and their collaborators continue building lasting military bases and
military installations, including the largest U.S. (‘Embassy’)
spying base in the world in the Centre of Baghdad, in contempt of Iraq’s
constitution and against the wishes of the Iraqi people.
It is ironic
that, George Bush and his allies are accusing Iran of training and arming
the ‘anti-Occupation forces’ in order to justify unwelcome
U.S. presence. We all know that Iran does not support the Resistance
to the Occupation. The truth is all those militias (Iranian immigrants
deported from Iraq in 1980s, and some pro-Iran expatriates), were recruited
in Iran by the U.S. and Britain and brought into Iraq on the back of
U.S. and British tanks.
Iran is one
of the most important ‘Coalition of the Willings’ and plays
a vital role helping to enforce the U.S. Occupation of Iraq, thanks
to George Bush and the despicable passive role played by many Arab leaders.
The rest is a warmongering Zionist propaganda designed to manipulate
the public and divert attention away from the mass murder of innocent
1.3 million innocent Iraqi civilians have been murdered by U.S. forces
and their collaborators since the invasion of 2003. The majority of
those murdered were women and children, mostly from one particular Iraqi
community. Writing in the Vermont’s Rutland Herald, Matt Howard,
a U.S. Marine, reflects on his participation in the deliberate and unprovoked
war crimes against the Iraqi people: “We did not go to war with
the country of Iraq; we went to war with the people of Iraq. During
the initial invasion we killed women. We killed children. We senselessly
killed farm animals. We were the United States Marine Corps, not the
Peace Corps, and we left a swath of death and destruction in our wake
all the way to Baghdad.”
as a direct result of the Occupation, there are 8 Million Iraqis in
need of emergency aid. Some 43 per cent of Iraqis suffer from absolute
poverty. Iraq’s child malnutrition has increased from 19 per cent
in 2003 to 28 per cent in 2007. At least 92 percent of Iraqi children
suffer from learning problems and psychological trauma. Today, there
are 5 million Iraqi refugees. At least half of this number is internally
displaced people (IDPs) who want to return to their homes. A report
released by UNAMI reveals that from 1st April to 30th June 2007, 70
percent of IDPs are women; 47 per cent of IDPs are not receiving their
food rations (the brainchild of Saddam regime). This is in contrast
to a distribution rate of 96 per cent before the 2003 invasion. Further,
at least 40 per cent of professionals (the educated and experienced
Iraqis) have left the country.
We know why
thousands of Westerners are drawing attention to the plight of humpback
whales while pretending not to know about the plight of the Iraqi people.
What is being inflicted on the Iraqi people must be seen as part and
parcel of an elitists Anglo-American “shared values”, deliberately
imposed (by force) on defenceless nations to destroy their national
independence and sovereignty.
It is now
clear that the U.S. aim was the deliberate destruction of the Iraqi
state in order to protect Israel’s Zionist expansionism and establish
a military presence in the region. The so-called “War for Oil”
is nothing more than a Zionist propaganda designed to shield Israel
and deflects the public’s attention from the Zion-fascists (the
so-called ‘Neocons’) who orchestrated the aggression against
Iraq at the expense of Iraqi and American blood. Indeed, according to
John Mearsheimer of the University of Chicago and Stephen Walt of Harvard
University, the pro-Israel powerful Jewish organisations and media (‘the
Lobby’) in the U.S. played an important role in orchestrating
the U.S. war against the Iraqi people.
If the clearly
expressed view of the majority of Iraqis does not persuade the U.S.
and its collaborators to end the murderous Occupation of Iraq and restore
Iraq’s sovereignty, Resistance will, “as the only solution
for people who fight to free themselves”, wrote Ernesto Che Guevara
to his mother.
Only the end of the U.S. Occupation of Iraq will guarantee a sovereign
and independent Iraq. An independent Iraq would try to restore its control
over its natural resources and its position in the region as a leading
power in the Arab world. The end of the Occupation will also remove
the primary cause of violence and allows Iraqis to reconcile their differences.
In sum, there is no sovereignty under colonial Occupation. The current
state of Iraq is a U.S.-installed colonial dictatorship. The puppet
government is a façade legitimising the Occupation and covering-up
its murderous crimes against the Iraqi people. There is no sovereignty
when 175,000 U.S. troops and some 180,000 foreign mercenaries rampaging
through the streets of Iraqi towns and cities and killing Iraqis with
impunity. So, what “sovereignty” Mr. Bush was talking about?
is an independent writer living in Australia.
M. & Williams, E. (2007, February). The Calm before the Storm: the
British Experience in Southern Iraq. Washington: Washington Institute
for Near East Policy. PDF.
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