Social
Stratification Among
Muslims In India
By Salil Kader
15 June, 2004
Countercurrents.org
Islam
entered India almost immediately after its birth in the 7th century
A.D and made its way into different parts of the country. In the south
it entered through the present day state of Kerala situated on the Malabar
Coast (1) in South India (Bahauddin, 1992: 18). Its carriers were the
Arab traders who had been involved in trade activities with India even
before the times of Prophet Muhammad (praise be upon him). During their
numerous voyages to the Malabar region, the Arab traders established
matrimonial relationships with the local women and had many progeny
from these marriages. This resulted in the spread of Islam to different
parts of the region. Many Sufi saints accompanied these traders and
under the influence of their preaching and the attraction of an egalitarian
faith many local people, mainly from lower classes, converted to Islam
(Kurup, 1991: 80). A major factor to be borne in mind here is that Islam's
first step on Indian soil was not, as many would like to believe, riding
on the wave of the sword. In the North, Islam came along with the invasion
of Muhammad bin Qasim, a general of Yusuf bin Hajjaj, the governor of
Iraq during the Umayyad period. (Lal, 1984: 12-17). This was followed
by the many invasions of Muhammad Ghori and Mahmud Ghazni, both interested
merely in the enormous wealth and riches that India offered. The two
were never interested in occupying and ruling the land of India. Their
main focus was to plunder, pillage and transfer as much wealth as possible
to their respective capitals since this was crucial for them to maintain
their large armed forces and entourage used in their frequent military
campaigns.
The history of Islam
in India is well over a thousand years old today. It has blended beautifully
into the background of its adopted land and contributed immensely to
the formation of a composite Indian culture and the building of the
Indian nation. But this Islam and its practitioners are not a homogeneous
entity as is widely believed. In fact there is a great deal of diversity
in the manner in which Islam is practiced and perceived throughout India.
This is hardly surprising considering the facts that Islam in India
is almost as old as the faith itself and that its followers in different
regions of the country represent a myriad of cultures. In this process
of adapting to the variety of cultural milieus, Islam has acquired many
hues and should not be considered as a monolithic entity. Nevertheless,
Muslims in India have responded well to the challenges of living as
a minority in a religiously plural society. But this process of assimilation
into the Indian society has not been an easy one and the challenges
that Muslims of India face today continue to exist with the constantly
shifting national and international state of affairs.
Social Stratification as Internal Challenge:
For purposes of
better understanding, the challenges that confront the community today
can be categorised into external and internal challenges. The external
challenges are those, which emanate from factors that exist outside
the community. The most important among these factors would undoubtedly
be the Muslims of India being constantly viewed as 'fifth-columnists'
harbouring 'extra-territorial loyalties' and a 'pro-Pakistan sentiment.'
Despite having contributed to just about every sphere of life - be it
sports, politics, movies and music, fine arts or literature - Muslims
are still questioned about their role in the growth and development
of India. The accusations of perfidy and disloyalty against the Muslims
originate largely from the constituents of the Sangh Parivar like Vishwa
Hindu Parishad, Bajrang Dal, Shiv Sena, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
and the Bharatiya Janata Party. These allegations need to be rebutted
by the community, unitedly and in a systematic, logical manner. However,
that could be the subject matter for another essay. This article intends
to deal with an internal challenge that threatens to debilitate the
community be striking at its very roots. The threat being referred to
here is the caste-based discrimination practised by certain sections
of Muslims in India.
The Holy Quran says,
"O mankind! We (God) created you from a single pair of male
and a female; and made you into peoples and tribes, that ye may know
each other (not that ye may despise each other). Verily the most honoured
in the sight of God is (he who is) the most righteous among you
(The Holy Quran, Surah al-Hujuraat, verse 13)
This verse makes
it quite clear that though Islam accepts differentiation based on gender
and tribe, it does not recognise social stratification. But in reality,
the Muslim community remains diversified, fragmented and as caste-ridden
as any other community of India (Alam, 2003: 4881). In fact the levels
of stratification witnessed within the Muslim community of India totally
negate this Quranic edict. Imtiaz Ahmad's seminal work, Caste and Social
Stratification Among Muslims in India (1973) and more recently, Ali
Anwar's Masawat ki jung: Pasemanzar Bihar ka Pasmanda Musalman (2001)
in Hindi have convincingly demonstrated the reality of caste among Indian
Muslims. However, it should be acknowledged that this discriminatory
practice among Muslims, observed more in North India than South India,
is not as much pronounced, oppressive and widespread as amongst the
Hindus. But that is hardly comforting. The fact that discrimination
based on caste lines exists within the Muslim community of India is
cause enough for consternation.
Most Indian Muslims
are descendants of 'untouchable' and 'low' caste converts, with only
a small minority tracing their origins to Arab, Iranian and Central
Asian settlers (Sikand, 2003). Muslims who claim foreign descent assert
a superior status for themselves as ashraf or 'noble'. Descendants of
indigenous converts are, on the other hand, commonly referred to contemptuously
as ajlaf or 'base' or 'lowly' (Zainuddin, 2003). Going by this classification,
an overwhelming 75% of Muslim population of India would fall into the
ajlaf category (Anwar, 2001). But conversion to the egalitarian faith
of Islam has not helped their cause. The ajlaf continue to be discriminated
against by the Muslim upper caste (Sahay, 2003).(2) The ill treatment
meted out to the lower and backward caste Muslims has led to a movement
for recognition of the lower caste Muslims or 'Dalit Muslims' as Scheduled
Castes, on par with the lower castes in the Hindu society (Sikand, 2003).
The leaders of this movement have demanded reservations for 'Dalit Muslims'
based on the concept of positive discrimination enshrined in Article
341 of the Indian Constitution, which authorises the President to declare
certain castes as Scheduled Castes for special benefits (Diwan, 1979:
370). At the same time, one of the leaders of this movement Dr.Ejaz
Ali, rather curiously, protested the denial of burial rights to lower
caste Muslims in Bihar by stating that it was 'against the basic tenets
of Islam' and that there was 'no basis of caste in Islam' (Sahay, 2003).
There is a slight contradiction here. If Dr.Ejaz Ali accepts the Islamic
teaching that there is no basis for caste in Islam, on what grounds
then does he talk about a 'lower caste' Muslim and consequently, reservations
for them?
While there is no
denying the fact that the despicable custom of discrimination on the
basis of a person's birth is prevalent in the Muslims of India, demanding
a separate identity and other benefits based on caste is no panacea
for this iniquity. This move is fraught with great danger. It will only
end up providing another dimension to the already existing divisions
within the community. Aren't schisms based on Shi'a-Sunni, Deobandi,
Barelwi, Ahl-i-Hadith, Jamaat-i-Islami etc., enough that we are now
seeking to create categories like 'dalit Muslim' and 'forward caste
Muslim'? Matters have reached a position where an organisation called
the All India United Muslim Morcha led by Dr.Ejaz Ali has gone ahead
and proposed a unique 'give-and-take' formula for securing job reservations
for Muslims while at the same time solving the Ram Janmabhoomi-Babri
Masjid tangle. Dr.Ali has proffered the handing over of the disputed
land at Ayodhya to Hindus in return for removing religious restrictions
from Article 341 of the Indian Constitution to include dalit Muslims
in the scheduled caste category! It is a fact that all Muslims are looking
for a lasting and peaceful solution for the Ayodhya problem, but this
kind of 'bargaining' does nothing more than reflect the unreservedly
myopic view that Dr.Ali and his supporters have with regard to the issue.
From where does Dr.Ali derive the legitimacy of bartering away the sentiments
of 130 million Muslims? What if after this 'deal' the VHP demands Mathura
and Kashi?
A duplication of
the social stratification based on caste being practised by the Hindu
community of India, is the last thing that the Muslims of India need.
History has great lessons for us. The V.P.Singh government implemented
the proposals of the Mandal Commission, which recommended reservations
in government jobs and educational institutions based on caste. This
was followed by large-scale pro and anti-Mandal demonstrations all over
the country, largely involving the student community. While the reservations
provided succour to many belonging to the Scheduled Castes and Tribes,
it also sharpened the already existing divide between the caste Hindus
and dalits This was so because many persons belonging to upper castes,
who could qualify only based on merit, felt that the reservations had
further reduced their chances of securing jobs or seats in educational
institutions.(3) The animosity, fuelled by centuries of discrimination
faced by dalits and the recent reservation policy where the caste Hindus
felt short-changed, is quite visible even to the undiscerning eye.
Now lets look at
a hypothetical situation where the reservation system is replicated
within the Muslim community of India. To begin with castes that deserve
to be categorised as 'dalit Muslims' need to be identified. This process,
in my opinion, would present a scenario where a set of Muslims, especially
those coming from south India would either say that they are not 'dalit
Muslims' or would express their inability to identify the caste they
belong to for the simple reason that they don't have a caste. A few
other perplexing situations would be thrown up. How would, for example,
a Muslim from Kerala with no caste, react to his fellow 'dalit Muslim'
from Bihar getting a job based on his caste? It would be nothing short
of a shock for the Malayalee Muslim who shares his reverence for Allah,
his Friday namaz, and belief in Islamic tenets with the Bihari Muslim
but still finds that he is different from him (the Bihari Muslim) because
he doesn't have a 'caste' - something which has no religious sanction
at all! But most importantly, it would become the cause of much heartburn
for those 'casteless' and so-called 'non-dalit' sections of the Muslim
community, who would be ineligible to use the benefits of the reservation
policy, as they do not meet the caste criteria laid down to avail this
privilege. Assuming that caste based reservation is extended to Muslims
too, it is bound to cause further fragmentation within the community.
Conclusion:
The bitter truth
that the community needs to square up to is that caste stratification,
howsoever blasphemous, is a reality of the Muslim society in India.
This obnoxious practice cannot be wished away. The community has to
set its face against it and the only way to fight this inhuman practice
is direct action - a jihad against anyone practising, promoting or legitimising
caste-based stratification. It is here that organisations like the Jamaat-i-'Ulama,
Jamaat-i-Islami and the Tablighi Jamaat are required to intervene and
undertake awareness programmes aimed at breaking through not just the
primitive mindsets but also the social barriers created in the name
of caste. The 'ulama and madaris have to play their part in enlightening
the Muslim masses about the 'un-Islamicness' of caste system being practised
by them. Theirs is the voice most keenly heard in areas where this practice
exists in reality. The dichotomy between the extreme egalitarianism
advocated by the Holy Quran and its practice by Muslims of India needs
to be emphasised. Moreover, this state of affairs is not only un-Islamic
but also detrimental to the prosperity and security of the Muslim community
in India. These fears are very real. Under these circumstances, the
response of the Muslim community of India to this test should be one
that reflects its maturity and age; a response that exhibits the collective
wisdom of the community and the noble teachings of the Holy Quran and
the Prophet (pbuh).
A common refrain
heard from many quarters of the Muslim community in India is: 'Islam
khatre mein hai' (Islam is in danger). Amazingly the danger to Islam
is more from its followers than its detractors. Muslims who have strayed
from the path of Islam and failed to comprehend its essence are proving
to be the real threat to Islam. The Muslims of India have gained the
dubious distinction of sustaining a highly prejudiced and devious system
of social stratification, which is nowhere to be found in the rest of
the Muslim world. The community would do itself a great favour by purging
this evil from within its character.
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1. The region called
Malabar, also the south-west coast in Kerala, is an Indianised form
of ma'bar which in Arabic means passage. Since the Arab traders passed
through that region often, it came to be known by that name.
2. The rediff.com
reported incidents of backward or lower caste Muslims being denied entry
for burial in graveyards by the upper caste Muslims forcing the lower
caste Muslims to bury their dead outside the graveyard!
3. Interestingly
it is not just caste Hindus who feel affected by the reservation policy.
There is no separate criteria within the reservation system to treat
Christians and Muslims who do not have castes. The fact that a lot of
Christians and Muslims come from extremely poor backgrounds, sometimes
even lower than dalits, does nothing to change their fortunes. They
have to compete in the 'open category.' It is in situations like these
that a review (perhaps at the risk of starting a civil war in the country)
of the caste based reservation policy becomes imperative; a reservation
based on economic criteria seems a more just solution.
REFERENCES
Ahmad, Imtiaz (ed) (1973). Caste and Social Stratification among the
Muslims. Delhi. Manohar
Alam, Anwar (2003). Democratisation of Indian Muslims. Economic and
Political Weekly, XXXVIII (46) November 15.
Anwar, Ali (2001) Masawat ki Jung: Pasemanzar: Bihar ka Pasmanda Musalman
(in Hindi). New Delhi. Vani Prakashan.
Bahauddin, K.M. (1992) Kerala Muslims - the long struggle. Kottyam.
Sahitya Pravarthaka Co-op society.
Diwan, Paras (1979) Constitution of India. New Delhi. Sterling Publishers.
Kurup, K.K.N. (1991) The Sufis and religious harmony in Kerala. in A.A.Engineer
(ed) Sufism and Communal Harmony. Jaipur. Printwell
Lal, K.S. (1984). Early Muslims in India. New Delhi. Books and Books.
Sahay, Anand Mohan (2003, March 6). Backward Muslims protest denial
of burial. News report in www.rediff.com. Retrieved on October 30 2003,
from http://www.rediff.com/news/2003/mar/06bihar.htm
Sikand, Yoginder (2003). The 'Dalit-Muslims' and the All India Backward
Muslim Morcha. Qalandar, September. Retrieved November 12 2003, from
http://www.islaminterfaith.org/sep2003/article.html
Salil Kader is
Doctoral Researcher, Department of History,University of Hyderabad.
He can be contacted at
indikad75@rediffmail.com