War
And Peace In Burundi
By
Mandisi Majavu
Znet
23June , 2003
On 01 July, Burundi will
be celebrating its independence of 1962 from the Belgians, and while
they will be observing this remarkable day the rest of the world will
be hoping for the lasting peace of a ten year civil war that has ravaged
that country, leaving more than 300 000 dead with over a million people,
according to the UN, internally displaced or living abroad as refugees.
The civil war which was sparked
off by the assassination of Melchior Ndadaye in 1993 the countrys
first democratic elected president, has officially ended following a
peace deal that was facilitated by the late Tanzanian president Mwalimu
Julius Nyerere and former South African president Nelson Mandela. Dubbed
Arusha Accord, the peace process brought together 19 Hutu
and Tutsi parties in an effort to end years of conflict, and entailed
a three year roadmap for peace and the restoration of democracy in that
country.
Hence 01 May was significant
for Burundians, for it marked the mid-point of the implementation of
the peace agreement that was signed in August 2000 a transfer
of the presidency from a Tutsi minority to a Hutu majority. In a country
that has about 7-million people baHutu makeup for 85 percent of the
population and the baTutsi for the 15 percent. Since the Burundi independence,
it is reported that a small elite from within the baTutsi has used its
control of the army to control the state. The army is made up of 40
percent of baHutu while almost all officers are Tutsi. Furthermore,
Ndadayes assassination in 1993, the first Hutu president in that
country is believed to have been carried out by Tutsi soldiers.
The inauguration of Domitien
Ndayizeye, from the Front pour la Democratie au Burundi (Frodebu), on
01 May serves as the second time, since independency, a Hutu takes the
office of presidency in Burundi, a political-power shift which is hailed
as radical and a major step forward in the peace process by observers.
Ndayizele takes over from
Pierre Buyoya, a Tutsi, who, as the accord stipulated, ruled for 18
months since November 2001. Ndayizeles deputy is Alphonse Marie
Kadege, a Tutsi, from the Union pour le progress national party (UPRONA),
and will both run the country for 18 months before elections can take
place.
More than 10 political parties
are expected to take part in those elections. Among others are: Frodebu,
UPRONA, Alliance burundaise-africaine pour le salut (ABASA) and the
Rassemblement pour la democratie et le development economique et social
(RADDES).
However, it is hoped that
before the elections take place fighting between the government and
the rebels stop. In Burundi, there are two main rebel groups, and are
divided into big and small factions.
The largest is the Conseil
national pour la defense de la democratie-Force pour la defense de la
democratise (CNDD-FDD) which has two factions. Pierre Nkurunziza
is the leader of the larger faction; Jean Bosco Ndayikengerukiye leads
the smaller faction.
The Parti pour la liberation
du people hutu-Forces nationals de liberation (PALIPEHUTU-FNL) also
is divided into two factions. Agathon Rwasa heads the major faction,
and Alain Mugarabona leads the smaller faction.
Although a ceasefire agreement
was signed by the government and the rebels last year December there
has been reports that fighting still continues in Burundi.
Just last month May,
about 12 000 people in Bubanza Province, northwestern Burundi were reported
to have fled their homes, because the army launched an offensive
against the CNDD-FDD. A local radio station, Radio Publique Africaine,
according to the United Nations news agency, IRIN, reported that between
15 000 and 20 000 civilians have fled following the fighting that erupted
on 22 May between the army and the rebels of the PALIPEHUTU-FNL faction
of Alain Mugabarabona in Kabezi Commune 20 km south of the Capital.
In Masama, Gitenga, Mwaza and Kiremba hills of Kabezi Commune in Bujumbura
rural province, another 20 000 fled following a fighting between the
government and PALIPEHUTU-FNL faction of Agathon Rwasa.
The change of power that
took place on 01 May was dismissed by both rebel groups as unimportant.
A spokesperson for the CNDD-FDD, Gelase Ndabirabe made it clear: this
is meaning-less, we call on the Burundi people not to be distracted
by the ceremony. The leader of the larger faction of CNDD-FDD,
Pierre Nkurunziza, went even farther as to demand a new charter
of transition to replace the existing Arusha Accord for peace
to be restored in Burundi.
Mind you, this war is not
just about mad-men fighting it out there in the bush. Kofi Annan identified
Burundi in his December 2002 report to the UN Security council, as one
of five conflict-ridden countries across the world where children were
being used as soldiers. The international NGO: Save the Children, rated
Burundi, including the Democratic Republic of Congo, as one of the worlds
five worst conflict zones in the world to be a woman or a child.
Our world-respected leaders
however just sneer at these truths. Critics are given labels: prophets
of doom to reduce their seriousness and their argument discredited
by any means necessary. I quote Nelson Mandela: The prophets of
doom were many and they remain among us. When he made this statement
at the handing-over ceremony I couldnt help but think perhaps
he is not in touch with reality. Some have accused him of simplifying
the Burundi situation by dealing with it as if he were dealing with
the Apartheid regime.
The countrys economic
woes are another serious factor contributing to Burundis grim
state of affairs. Reports reveal that the 10-year civil war has reduced
the country into becoming the worlds third-poorest country. Even
more startling, the government depends on the taxes it gets from beer
consumption for more than 50 percent of its annual revenues.
At the beginning of last
month, the IMF, which has become an institution that represents poverty
to many, approved that Burundi can draw funds from a US $13-million
credit for post-conflict emergency aid. Unsurprisingly, nothing was
said to the public about the strings attached to this financial aid
scheme.
Apart from acknowledging
their complicity in laying foundation for the ethnic strife that has
been going on in that country for more than six decades which has left
millions dead, the Belgian government has pledged about R7,5 million
($60 million) for an African peacekeeping force.
Finally, the Belgians have
proved, once and for all, that the African so-called tribal wars are
not so tribal after all. That in these wars there is always
a third force at play, furthermore, that ethnocentrism is not something
inherent in Africans.
What the Burundians need
to concern themselves now is not trivial issues like ethnic differences,
there is a country that needs to be rebuilt, an economic system that
needs to be designed by Burundians for Burundians. And not designed
by the IMF for the Burundians, as IMFs Eduardo Aninat has indicated.
He has been quoted saying the Fund (the US $13-million credit) stands
ready to consider further financial support for Burundi, subject to
continued strong programme implementation. One would think after the
Argentinian economic crisis the IMF would be reluctant to talk about
strong programme implementation, even cease and desist from
pushing its capitalistic agendas on people of the world.