Ambedkar As Hindu
By Shamsul Islam
The
Hindustan Times
15 April, 2003
The flag-bearers of Hindutva,
in their task of manufacturinghistory,
have now picked on B.R. Ambedkar as the subject. The RSS has
presented him as a leader in league with Hedgewar and Golwalkar and
as a defender for the cause of the Hindu Rashtra.
Vinay Katiyar, the BJP head
in Uttar Pradesh - a state ruled by a
Dalit chief minister - has been touring the state declaring that
Ambedkar was a supporter of Hindutva and the Hindu Rashtra, thus echoing
Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi's rhetoric. This is nothing but
injustice to a man who'd renounced Hinduism because of its repressive
elements and converted to Buddhism.
Throughout his life, Ambedkar
opposed the communal politics of both the Muslim League and the Hindutva
forces. His book, Pakistan or The Partition of India (1940), stands
testimony to his opposition to the nefarious designs of communal elements.
In fact, his ideas and warnings about Hindutva, as contained in the
book, can even now work as bulwark in checking the resurgence of communal
forces.
Ambedkar writes, "If
Hindu Raj does become a fact, it will, no doubt, be the greatest calamity
for this country. No matter what the Hindus say, Hinduism is a menace
to liberty, equality and fraternity. On that account, it is incompatible
with democracy. Hindu Raj must be prevented at any cost." According
to him, the idea of "Hindustan for Hindus is not merely arrogant
but is arrant nonsense". (p. 358)
Ambedkar was of the firm
opinion that Hindutva was nothing but a ploy by upper caste Hindus to
maintain control over society and its resources. He wrote: "They
have a trait of character which often leads the Hindus to disaster.
This trait is formed by their
acquisitive instinct and aversion to share with others the good
things of life. They have a monopoly of education and wealth, and
with wealth and education they have captured the State. To keep this
monopoly to themselves has been the ambition and goal of their life.
Charged with this selfish idea of class domination, they take every
move to exclude the lower classes of Hindus from wealth, education and
power This attitude of keeping education, wealth and power as
a close preserve for themselves and refusing to share it, which the
high caste Hindus have developed in their relation with the lower classes
of Hindus, is sought to be extended by them to the Muslims. They want
to exclude the Muslims from place and power, as they have
done to the lower class Hindus. This trait of the high caste Hindus
is the key to the understanding of their politics." (p. 123)
Ambedkar, in his struggle
to establish a secular State, did not
differentiate between flag-bearers of Hindutva and the Muslim League.
He treated them as two faces of the same coin, which is bent on destroying
India. He wrote: "Strange as it may appear, Mr Savarkar and Mr
Jinnah, instead of being opposed to each other on the one nation versus
two nations issue, are in complete agreement about it. Both not only
agree but insist that there are two nations in India - one the Muslim
nation and the other the Hindu nation." (p. 142)
Ambedkar did not mince words
when he wrote, "It must be said that Mr Savarkar's attitude is
illogical, if not queer. Mr Savarkar admits that the Muslims are a separate
nation. He concedes that they have a right to cultural autonomy. He
allows them to have a national flag. Yet he opposes the demand of the
Muslim nation for a separate national home. If he claims a national
home for the Hindu nation, how can he refuse the claim of the Muslim
nation for a national home?"
(p. 143)
Ambedkar, as a true secularist,
stood for "forming mixed political
parties based on an agreed programme of social and economic
regeneration, and thereby avoiding the danger of both Hindu Raj or Muslim
Raj becoming a fact. Nor should the formation of a mixed party of Hindus
and Muslims be difficult in India. There are many lower orders in the
Hindu society whose economic, political and social needs are the same
as those of the majority of the Muslims and they would be far more ready
to make a common cause with the Muslims for achieving common ends than
they would with the high caste of Hindus who have denied and deprived
them of ordinary human rights for centuries." (p. 359)
Why is it that despite such
strong anti-Hindutva ideas, the RSS is
spreading white lies about Ambedkar's legacy? The problem with the RSS
is that it played absolutely no role in the country's freedom struggle.
Moreover, with its present political ascendancy, it is under great pressure
to show that it was part of that great struggle. It hopes that by appropriating
the legacies of Gandhiji, Sardar Patel, Subhas Chandra Bose and Ambedkar,
it may be able to put a nationalist face to the organisation.