Working Towards A Social Justice Perspective

By Srikanth Chakraborty

28 December, 2015
Countercurrents.org

Reservations are often seen by the urban elite as a favour the government is doing to the Dalits rather than being looked at as a means to help the upward mobility of the so-called lower-castes in India. It is no wonder that we have a horde of other caste groups demanding for such reservations leaving the government in a dilemma on how to steer safe while keeping its vote banks intact. In this milieu, the primary objective of this policy, i.e. for the socio-economic and political progress of the historically marginalized has altogether been forgotten. While the need for reservations is undeniable, having it as a standalone policy doesn’t serve the purpose of alleviating caste oppressions. Candidates who acquire seats in colleges or secure jobs through reservations are looked down upon and are often regarded as being inferior to the rest.

While studying in one among India’s ‘prestigious’ Social Work universities in Maharashtra, I saw that caste based groups were commonplace in the campus. Being a typical Indian urban youth ignorant of grassroots realities, it was in college that for the first time I came to observe in small ways how the caste system plays out in rural India. I was to know later that universities throughout India are microcosms of such societal divisions.

It seemed stark because I saw it amongst my own peers, but in subtle ways I realized it existed in my own home, both in language and in action. As I began to read more I realized that many words spoken in spite and in disgust were actually caste names.

“Heavens, they fight like those low-castes”, was a common line used by my family to refer to the quarrels between us siblings.

I recently asked my parents about whether they remembered the name of the man who came to clean our toilets when living in Kolkata during my childhood. They didn’t know. I asked them whether they knew the name of any of the toilet cleaners who ever cleaned their toilets throughout their lives. “No, we always called them Jomadar”, was the casual reply. Jomadar being a caste ascribed previously to manual scavengers.

Even when enquiring about an appointment with a doctor, the preference went to the one who carried an upper caste last name. “They are obviously better. The low-caste one must’ve got in through reservation.” Of course, the ease with which an upper-caste individual could have paid for his medical seat in comparison to the effort which the so-called lower-caste doctor must have taken to achieve his qualification is altogether forgotten.

The nastiness with which I used to hear my extended family speak of Indian Christians was apparent in the fact that they were always referred to as lower-caste Anglo-Indians who don’t have a lineage to trace back to. And so I asked myself, what pride could I take in tracing back to a wretched line which has historically been unjust to a people ascribing them to a certain way of life against their will?

It is interesting that while we upper castes demand self-rule as our birth right, the so-called lower-castes are denied of any such thing while being subjugated to perform their ascribed birth duties.

The reservation policy alone is indeed ineffective, as has been proven by time. To hope that increasing the space for opportunities to Dalits in education, jobs, and elections will bring about a transformation by itself shows an inadequacy in policy making, or an intentional disregard by our policy makers to effect lasting change. The need of the time is for powerful affirmative action working towards social justice. Along with pro Dalit policies, there needs to be an anti-caste movement brewing in the minds of our countrymen. Students marching and crying out loud on the streets of India’s cities need to be made aware of India’s rural cesspools. If otherwise, they will continue to be influenced by political voices that demand reservations for other castes thus hampering every effort aimed at Dalit emancipation. To do so in such a political climate is indeed difficult but is essential nevertheless. Social Media platforms are fast emerging as democratic spaces for dissipation of information. We need to keep our minds open along with our ears and eyes because often what we hear and see is meant not to make us think, but to make us accept. It is time we made a conscious effort to critically analyze our environments and stopped being swayed by political agendas.

However, at this immediate moment we should ask ourselves on the many times when we use caste names to refer to others. Be it a Dalit reference, or a Brahminical one, we need to consciously observe and abjure such habits.

Along with the rhetoric used to promote Brand India, there needs to be an effort to debrand caste in our society. Wonder how beautiful it would be if PR campaigns can be used to do the same.

To end with a beautiful quote from where the above text draws its inspiration,

“The touchables and the untouchables cannot be held together by law certainly not by any electoral law substituting joint electorates for separate electorates. The only thing that can hold them together is love. Outside the family justice alone in my opinion can open the possibility of love."

– Dr B.R Ambedkar (From the letter to the AUL written 14th November, 1932)[1]

[1] http://www.ambedkar.org/ambcd/41F.What%20Congress%20and%20Gandhi%20CHAPTER%20V.htm

Born in Kolkata to a Bengali father and a Tamil mother, I was raised in Chennai where I completed my schooling, and went on to complete my Bachelors in Mass Media from Mumbai University. My experience with working on Dalit issues came a year back in December, 2014 when while working on a research paper I was introduced to the work of Manavi Hakka Abhiyan in Beed, Maharashtra. I was then pursuing my Masters in Social Work [Rural Development] from Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Tuljapur, Maharashtra. Presently I work with the Adivasi Munnetra Sangam in Gudalur, The Nilgiris, Tamil Nadu as a Community Worker. The AMS is an association of 4 distinct Adivasi communities living in the Gudalur and Pandalur talukas of The Nilgiris District. It was formed in the late 1980s under the aegis of Mr. Stan Thekaekara to provide a democratic platform for the Adivasis to fight for their rights over their land. "We aim to create an environment where we are able to enter the mainstream on our own terms, with dignity and pride. Our immediate plan of intervention at present is on working towards affordable housing technology which while providing shelter and safety also fits within our cultural milieu." Email: [email protected]