A saffron offensive
By R. Krishnakumar
College magazines in
Kerala, a dime a dozen, hardly make any impact outside the campus walls
except when they merit a mention for excellence in printing and design.
However, now the insidious content of a few of these publications is
causing disquiet in the State, as the student community is increasingly
puppeteered by communal, fascist forces, which are eager to spread their
divisive agenda. Recently, secular Kerala was outraged by the unabashed
communal colouring of a college annual meant to represent the multi-religious
student population of the NSS Hindu College, Changanassery, under the
Kottayam-based Mahatma Gandhi University.
The magazine, named Pranavam,
in a scathing attack against the minorities, particularly Muslims, carried
a bold dedication under a collage of photographs of the dead in Godhra:
"To Bharatamba's brave sons, who are being annihilated by terrorists
in the name of jehad."
One of its articles "Growing
terrorism and the Godhra incident", quotes the Koran out of context
and alleges "that the Godhra incident is an illustration of the
rotten side of Islam influencing a people", in order to argue that
the massacre at Godhra was the direct result of a people being misguided
by the holy book.
A feature titled "Nationalism
and National Reconstruction" carries the photograph of a Rashtriya
Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS) activist participating in a drill. The article
defines nationalism as the "thousands of years of history and culture
of this nation" and says that the solution to the ills affecting
India is to allow "Bharat's real nationalism" to seep into
every aspect of life in the country. The inaugural essay, "Vande
Vivekananda", argues that what India needs today is "spiritual
nationalism" and equates Vivekananda with M.S. Golwalker, V.D.
Savarkar and K.B. Hedgevar, as people who held such an opinion. The
article `Saffronisation... Indianisation' claims that saffronisation
is "a matter of the soul of India" and that those who oppose
it are frightened about the return of "Indian culture" and
that they are in fact deriding "India's sanyasins, their sacrifices
and selflessness".
Another article, "Kashmir:
Call back the doves", claims that Section 370 of the Constitution,
which bestows special status on Jammu and Kashmir, is an illustration
"of the cancer called minority appeasement that has affected this
country and its politicians". It argues that "Jawaharlal Nehru
became the role model for latter-day politicians in India on the subject
of minority appeasement through his vision of a secular India, which
he used as a short cut to power."
An essay on RSS founder Hedgewar,
titled "Doctorji, the brave visionary desabhimani", argues
the need of an organisation like the RSS and details its formation.
It claims that the RSS is the largest such organisation in the world
and says that India's Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister were
"samaj sevaks" who had risen through the ranks of the RSS.
Interestingly, Pranavam carries
the photographs of President A.P.J. Abdul Kalam, Vice-President Bhairon
Singh Shekhawat and Deputy Prime Minister L.K. Advani. It acknowledges
President Kalam for his `scientific talent', Shekhawat for his `experience'
and Advani for his `vision of the future'. There is no mention of Prime
Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee.
Among the people whom the
journal "remembers'' includes RSS `Pradhama Prantha Pracharak'
Bhaskar Rao, Congress(I) leader Madhavrao Scindia who is described as
"the great son of that rajmata who is a confluence of Kshatriya
power and democratic power", and the Communist Party of India (Marxist)
leader A.K. Gopalan, who is but "the great man who raised the voice
of `sanatana samskruti' during the Temple Entry struggle, the one who
symbolised `aarsha darsana', a vision that goes much beyond communism".
Such a magazine would usually
have been ignored as just another instance of uncontained youthful exuberance,
an offshoot of the intense "politicisation" of campuses in
Kerala. But Pranavam, the handiwork of student activists belonging to
the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) in a mainstream college
run by the Nair Service Society, has become notorious for its bigoted
writings and malevolence towards non-Hindus. Significantly, it reflects
the alarming spread of communal thinking in Kerala society and the dissemination
of mainstream Hindutva ideology inside and through campuses.
A signature trend that is
visible in all such writings is the pointed attempt to denigrate secular
individuals, writers, social critics, human rights activists and intellectuals
who have been in the vanguard of the fight against communalism in all
its hues. For example, an article in Pranavam disparages Paul Zacharia,
writer, columnist and social critic and a critical commentator of the
Hindutva brigade and communalism in all its facets. Titled "Zachariyayude
vikriyakal" ("The mischief of Zacharia"), it is a vicious
attempt - part of a trend in Kerala today - to brand and deride whoever
opposes the blatantly communalistic fervour of the Hindu Right. Zacharia,
whose incisive denunciation of the hijacking by the Sangh Parivar of
the platforms provided by Hindu religious leaders such as Mata Amritanandamayi
and Chenkottukonam Swami and the probable implications of the Coimbatore
bomb blasts in his columns had incurred the wrath of Hindu communalists
as never before, is accused in vituperative terms of being a "Christian
communalist" and an "anti-national".
A few excerpts from the article:
"Zacharia's vulture-like eyes are roaming over the traditions of
Bharat. His potent nostrils are wide open whenever there is a foul smell
outside the confines of his own religion... We should not allow this
man to denigrate our culture and traditions any longer. Why is Zacharia
failing to see what happens at (Christian institutions like) Pota (a
charismatic centre) and Pious Tenth Convent? This question exposes Zacharia's
love for his own religion... No longer must we abstain from exposing
the truth before society that Zacharia and Arundhati Roy are but the
mediums of a big mission. We should oppose a fraud like Zacharia ideologically.
We should not hesitate to tell the world who is trying to implement
real fascism. Zacharia is today ready to be the sacrificial hen, to
be anti-Indian. The stunt-man that he is, it is said that he once wanted
to be a priest at his local church at Urulikkunnam. Even today he exhibits
that wish indirectly..."
The content of such college
magazines, leaflets and flyers promoted by communal groups on campuses
could be mistaken easily for articles and news reports appearing regularly
in Malayalam newspapers such as Janmabhoomi, Kesari and Punyabhoomi,
sponsored by the Bharatiya Janata Party, the RSS, and the Viswa Hindu
Parishad (VHP) respectively. For example, a recent editorial page article
in Janmabhoomi soon after the release of the college magazine is titled
`Zacharia should be prosecuted for anti- national crimes' and is a condensed
version of the themes in the NSS College journal and earlier articles
in the same newspaper, including, significantly, a crass personal attack
headlined, "Zachariyayude Kovalam Kathakal" ("Zacharia's
Kovalam Stories").
The latest article in Janmabhoomi
states: "Maybe because of his Sunday school learning that all those
who do not believe in Christ are sinners and such people should not
be allowed to prevail, he (Zacharia) goes raving angry whenever he hears
the word Hindutva..." It is the fashion of Muslim terrorist groups
today to use mercenary writers to fabricate lies and stamp out the light
of truth... Zacharia has now come forward to state that the Coimbatore
blasts were organised by Advani and the RSS. By raising such a barefaced
lie, this man from Urulikkunnam has gained the admiration of international
terrorists... Zacharia's opposition to Sangh Parivar organisations cannot
be brushed aside as mere ramblings of a mad brain steeped in communalism.
This gentleman was the one who issued a directive that nobody should
share a platform with the Sangh Parivar, soon after the BJP came to
power... Now he is pretending to be the apostle of secularism... But
how can we remain mere spectators when some people are ready to dance
to the tunes of international terrorism and sabotage national interests
and create communal violence? ... Zacharia should either be subjected
to psychiatric treatment or, if his statements are intentional, he should
be prosecuted for anti-national activities and for inciting communal
hatred."
There have been vindictive
attacks against other secular personalities too. Another campus magazine
in Calicut University has become controversial for its unprovoked, slanderous
attack against the Vice-Chancellor of the Sanskrit University, Kaladi,
and former Professor of History at the Jawaharlal Nehru University,
Dr. K.N. Panikkar. It attributes motives to Panikkar's consistent campaign
against the Hindu Right and attempts to discredit him as a secular intellectual.
His recent visit to Gujarat and the series of lectures against communalism
that he gave in Kerala have been variously described as "attempts
to appease the Muslim League" (a major partner in the ruling coalition
in Kerala), "an attempt to hold on to his position (as Vice-Chancellor)"
and as an "example of the difference between the public posture
of intellectuals and their private agendas."
The latest in such seemingly
isolated instances of deriding "enemy" intellectuals is the
series of criticism in Sangh Parivar publications against the decision
of the Kerala government's Department of Culture to present the `Ezhuthachhan
Puraskaram', an award instituted in memory of the father of modern Malayalam
language, to writer Kamala Surayya, whose high-profile conversion to
Islam has not been looked upon kindly by Hindu fundamentalists.
In a caustic statement soon
after the announcement of the award, Bharatiya Vichara Kendra director
P. Parameswaran questioned the propriety of giving the award to Kamala
Surayya, on the grounds that "the person who is selected for such
an award should have some similarity in life, values, activities and
contributions with the one in whose name the award is instituted".
A similar statement was issued by P. Narayana Kurup, president of `Tapasya',
another Sangh Parivar cultural front. The argument is that "Ezhuthachhan
was not merely a poet but the father of modern Malayalam language and
the proponent of the Bhakti movement in Kerala''. Therefore presenting
the Ezhuthachhan Award to Kamala Surayya "was as incongruous as
giving an award in the name of a pre-eminent proponent of Islam to Salman
Rushdie or Taslima Nasreen."
Janmabhoomi criticised the
decision in an article headlined `Pativrata Puraskaram Vasavadattakko?'
(`Chastity Award to Vasavadatta?'). The article, which was carried on
page one on November 7, described the decision as "an effort to
appease the Muslim community, which has been instigated by (People's
Democratic Party leader) Abdul Nasir Maudany (see Frontline November
8, 2002) and other Muslim fundamentalists to rise in protest against
the Antony government." Further, it said: "It is a short cut
to appease Muslim fundamentalists and communalists who are using Kamala
Das, who converted to Islam and became `Kamala Surrayya', as a weapon
to implement their own agenda. They (those in government) are trying
to use Ezhuthachhan and the old Madhavikkutty as a cover to escape the
wrath of Maudany."
THE intense backlash that
came in the wake of the articles did put Sangh Parivar leaders on the
defensive; Parameswaran stated that trying to portray his criticism
as being incited by Surayya's religious conversion "was a mischievous
way of avoiding the real issue" and that "he was not against
change of religion... if it was voluntary." However, Parivar-sponsored
publications soon launched a scathing assault on anyone who dared to
criticise Parameswaran's statements (including Kerala Sahitya Akademi
chairman M.T. Vasudevan Nair and litterateur Sukumar Azhikode) and a
coarse, embarrassingly personal, communal attack against Kamala Surayya
herself. Jnanpith Award winner Vasudevan Nair suddenly became a "rascal
who was out to help in the dismantling of the great tradition of Ezhuthachhan"
and was accused of "intentionally destroying the symbols of a great
(Indian) tradition" through his acclaimed re-inventions of characters
borrowed from mythology and folklore and of "denying O.V. Vijayan
the Jnanpith Award" last year by being a silent member in the committee
that decided in favour of Indira Goswami.
It is well known that Kerala
is one of the main targets of Hindu communal forces, which have been
consistently trying to extend their influence in the State. But the
potpourri of coalition politics in the State and the abundance of political
forces representing a multitude of Hindu communities have made any advance
on the political plane an uphill task. Yet, there are repeated warnings
from secular observers that the Sangh Parivar has put to effective use
its all-India strategy of gaining acceptance in the State through persistent
socio-cultural interventions a thoroughly rewarding platform
that has been left vacant by secular political formations, including
the Left and the Congress(I).
Over the past decade, there
has been a proliferation of such activities by the Sangh Parivar, beginning
with the hijacking of the conduct of temple festivals and the starting
of `catch them young schools' all over the State, to the import of purely
north Indian religious practices such as Rakshabandan and customs associated
with Hindu festivals such as Janmashtami, Ram Navami and Vinayaka Chathurthi.
The State has also seen exaggerated efforts to revive religious observances
during the `Ramayana Month' and create new ones such as the `Bhagavatha
Month' on similar lines, and form `temple renovation committees', `pilgrim
protection committees' and so on. The RSS constellation has also created
an umbrella of security and managerial cover in institutions run by
Hindu religious personalities such as Amritanandamayi, who has attracted
a huge, dedicated, missionary following over a short period of time,
and the Chenkottukonam Swami, whose religious activities often bordered
on the political. Clearly, such attempts were aimed at mobilising public
support that has been elusive, on a fairly less competitive socio-cultural
platform left idle by secular political organisations.
The Hindu communal propaganda
has been effective to the extent that it has invited competitive communalism
and fundamentalism from other communities and has vitiated the secular
atmosphere. Funds from abroad are available easily to many communal
organisations. Religious revivalism is evident in the number of temples,
mosques, churches, seminaries, meditation centres and madrassas that
have mushroomed in Kerala over the past few decades and the renovation
of religious sites, with the aid of generous funds sourced from Malayalees
living overseas. Religious publications and institutions imparting religious
teachings have proliferated. A major effort is on to propagate Sanskrit
or Arabic as desirable languages for the religious-minded.
Moreover, mainstream Malayalam
media give ample coverage to activities and propaganda that serve various
communal interests. Religiosity has taken over public space, and public
expression of one's faith has become the fashion. Thus, a basis for
a transformation to communalism has been created, although subtly, and
the Sangh Parivar seems to be hoping that in the long run, such efforts
could ease its passage on to the political arena. The influence of communal
groups in the religious sphere has become pronounced in Kerala over
the past decade. And the result has been an increase of incidents ignited
by communal passions.
A strategy that the Sangh
Parivar has pursued ruthlessly all over India to smoothen its way forward
is an offensive against everybody who challenges its dream of a Hindu
Rashtra, notably, secular intellectuals. This tactic has become pronounced
in Kerala only in the past one year. Defamatory letters and articles
about well known intellectuals and their writings and speeches have
become a regular feature in the saffron brigade's limited-circulation
publications. Hate mail and abusive calls are on the rise, as some of
them told Frontline. As the vilification of Kamala Surayya, Zacharia
and Panikkar demonstrates, personalised attacks are increasing.
The result is that on the
one hand Kerala is slowly witnessing the withdrawal of the independent
intelligentsia from secular discussions. In place of the liberal, Marxist,
left radical discourse, which was the norm, and the cultured discussions
at the socio-political and ideological levels, communal discourse is
gaining acceptance. Quite a few secular intellectuals have either fallen
silent or are being won over by the saffron brigade. Some of them have
refused to respond to the disparaging of fellow writers; some others,
who have opted to remain silent on the activities of communal, fundamentalist
forces, recently issued a statement protesting against the inclusion
of the RSS in the list of "terrorist organisations" that Chief
Minister A.K. Antony tabled in the Assembly.
The grand design is to make
those who raise their voices against communalism unacceptable to society.
The disturbing communal content in Pranavam is therefore not an aberrant,
accidental phenomenon. It is as much a warning as it is a manifestation
of the pernicious religious communalism that is gnawing at the secular
fabric of Kerala.
The Frontline
November 23 - December 06 2002
Sign Online Petition on Threat
to Writer Paul Zacharia from
followers of Mata Amrithanandamayi & Hindutva Fascism.
Click the following link
to read and sign the petition:
http://www.PetitionOnline.com/pz2nd03/petition.html