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Prisoner Of Its Own Doing

By Firdous Syed

24 August, 2007
Countercurrents.org

The imprints of the Kashmir problem are so deep, historical and widespread that it's almost impossible to wish away the 'dispute'. In fact nature of the dispute is so intense that it has kept destiny of the subcontinent captive for 60 years now. Owing to this conflict, precious economic resources, which could otherwise have been used to alleviate the problems of 700 million impoverished Indians and 60 million poor Pakistanis, have been consigned to building of a military machine by both the countries. With continued confrontation between the two having placed the whole of South Asia atop a powder keg, who else than the strategic community in India and Pakistan could be aware of the gravity of the problem, particularly because they have been dealing with the crises right from 1947 caused by the situation in Jammu and Kashmir. It's only for the foolhardy to put their faces in sand to escape the reality of the day!


A cursory look at the post-partition history of the sub-continent brings in focus the bitter dispute that has impacted the nature of the relationship between India and Pakistan in a most destructive manner on one hand, and brought colossal miseries to the people of Jammu and Kashmir on the other. India and Pakistan have fought two wars, in 1947/48 and 1965, and one limited war in Kargil in 1999 to settle the issue. The acrimonies of diplomatic offensive between the two countries too have a long history of its own. The UN resolutions, the presence of United Nations Military Observers Group (UNMOGIP) in Srinagar and Muzaffarabad, the Tashkent Pact after the 1965 war, the Shimla Agreement in 1972, and the Lahore declaration; all these stand witness to the presence of a bitter row between the two countries.


As for the Srinagar-New Delhi dimension of the conflict, it too has been studded with big historical events that have brought the situation to the current impasse. There is the Delhi Agreement of 1952 (under which the Indian part of Kashmir was granted internal autonomy), J&K Prime Minister Sheikh Abdullah's arrest in 1953, his prolonged incapacitation and "twenty two years of wilderness" followed by the 1975 Accord, and the birth of militancy in 1989.

At present India and Pakistan are engaged in a peace process that has given rise to the expectations of a negotiated settlement of the problem. Clichés like a 'win win situation' for all, and 'out of box solutions' are in circulation to describe the nature of the outcome being desired. But prospect of an amicable solution still alludes the people of the sub-continent. There is still a long way to go, and few enigmas yet to be deciphered.

Until the armed uprising in 1989, New Delhi's effort of "India building" in Kashmir has been incremental, building brick by brick. After the gory incidents of violence and war in 1947/48, up-till 1989, India tried to assimilate Kashmir into its mainstream through 'soft coercion' and 'inducement'. Use of brute force for this purpose was minimal except for very rare occasions. But still the people in Kashmir revolted against India in 1989 through an armed rebellion - thereby nullifying the entire Indian design in Kashmir.

For the last 20 years, to maintain its hold over Jammu and Kashmir, India has made a massive investment of men and materiel. Through indiscriminate use of force and coercion, India, by and large, has-been successful in quelling the armed resistance. No doubt the military infrastructure of the resistance lies in ruins, but the idea of independence still persists strongly. The enormous weight of sacrifices rendered by the Kashmiri masses have rather reinforced their longing for nationhood even though it's badly hampered by the lack of wherewithal and a proper organisational structure as well as the current geo-politics of the region.

Present challenges have, in a way, triggered new vistas of thinking in Srinagar and Islamabad. Srinagar today is aware of its weaknesses and compulsions and can not carry on the struggle until the last Kashmiri. It's more than open for a pragmatic line of thinking. Pakistan too seems to be inching away from its revisionist ideology. But ironically, the indifference in New Delhi does not match the expectations in Srinagar and Islamabad. It is believed that formulations of the solution being discussed today will suit India more than Pakistan and Kashmir as for both of them it shall be a huge climb down from their traditional stand. Even then, Pakistan seems to be buoyant about the process, and Kashmiris, as usual, are eager for a sustainable peace. But quite perplexing is that India is treading the path somewhat hesitatingly. Is it because India does not endorse what is thought to be a 'win win situation' for all three?

In Islamabad, autonomy or self-rule is perceived to be "closer to Indian bottom-line", but in reality it's not the case. The nation building in India after partition has ever envisaged the need for a strong Centre to manage its vast diversity. Despite some internal contradictions, (barring Kashmir and North-East,) India has, by and large, been successful in its endeavour. A working democratic system and rule of law has given it tremendous leverage to manage its problems. Notwithstanding its abhorrence for 'special status', until the advent of militancy in 1989, India had tried to put a system of constitutional governance in Kashmir. People in Jammu and Kashmir had certain degree of freedoms including the freedom of religion. But certainly it faltered in providing an inclusive democracy as almost all the elections conducted in state, including the infamous election of 1987, were rigged in favour of its cronies. In the North-East, India has been able to calm the region except for a few trouble spots; there too it is confident of bringing normalcy in the near future. Kashmir remains the only place where its grip remains fragile. But according to its script, an autonomous or quasiindependent Kashmir can not be the answer to its problems, for it sees autonomy as a prelude to independence that shall ultimately undo its assimilation project in Kashmir. Besides, any political concession on the lines of self-rule in Kashmir (even within India) is believed will open a Pandora's box of separatism in North-East and other places in India, posing a grievous threat to its territorial integrity.

Undoubtedly Kashmiri aspirations have become prisoner not only to India's nationbuilding, but also of its mistrusts. With militancy on decline, threat to India's control in Kashmir has receded considerably. And its growing economy too has given it tremendous clout internationally. A confident India of today apparently is under no compulsion to concede anything politically to the people of Jammu and Kashmir or for that matter to Pakistan also. It feels assured of its ability to preserve the status quo on Kashmir. For it, a 'time lag' management has proved extremely beneficial so far, and it continues to hope that the changing dynamics of time will dilute the intensity of the conflict.

But the intricacies in Kashmir make the dispute a 'fault-line' conflict. Without a proper resolution, it will continue to simmer. Only an honourable settlement for Kashmir, amicable for India and Pakistan, has the potential to usher not only an era of peace and stability in the region but also a process of reconciliation between the people of Kashmir, India and Pakistan. And who knows, even the dream of borderless South Asia could become a reality in future. But unfortunately a view from Srinagar of the ongoing peace process does not provide much of optimism. People in Jammu and Kashmir may have to endure sufferings and indignities for some more time to come. Alas, not a very promising prospect!

(writer can be emailed at [email protected])

 

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