Humanitarian
Tsunami
Sweeping Across Iraq
By Haroon Siddiqui
05 November, 2007
The
Toronto Star
The
United States cannot solve the crisis in Iraq and beyond unless it takes
responsibility for the unprecedented humanitarian crisis it has created
in Iraq.
Imagine 1.5 million Canadians
being killed and another 6.5 million either forced to flee Canada or
displaced internally. That’s about what has happened to the Iraqis.
Up to 1.2 million of them,
out of a population of 21 million, may have been killed since 2003.
And one in five Iraqis has been displaced.
Two million, maybe more,
have fled to neighbouring nations, and another 2.2 million have been
displaced internally. Of the latter, the world knows the least, and
for a reason.
Foreign media representatives
have been confined to Baghdad’s Green Zone. And Iraqi journalists,
covering the news from across the country at great personal risk, have
been reporting mostly about the daily bombings and killings.
Only the UN agencies and
NGOs based here in Jordan, or in Kuwait - and co-ordinating relief operations
inside Iraq through the Iraqi Red Crescent and other local groups -
have kept close watch on the movement of people inside Iraq.
About half the internally
uprooted Iraqis predate the 2003 invasion - victims of earlier upheavals:
the 1980-’88 Iraq-Iran war (in which the U.S. backed Saddam Hussein);
his post-1991 Gulf War suppression of the Shiites (who rose up on the
say-so of the first President Bush, George H.W., only to be abandoned
by him - he having gone fishing the day the crackdown began); and Saddam’s
“Arabization” of the Kurdish region through forced settlements.
But more than 1 million have
been displaced since the U.S. invasion.
About 200,000 were uprooted
by U.S. military operations in Falluja (twice), Najaf, Ramdi, Haditha,
etc.
But the real upheaval began
after the February 2006 bombing of the Shiite shrine at Samarrah, by
Al Qaeda in Mesopotamia. Besides triggering Sunni-Shiite warfare, it
marked the point when the U.S. and allies lost control of the country.
Not every upheaval since
is explained by the sectarian warfare. Militants have been killing army
and police recruits or anyone working for the allies, as well as Iraqi
professionals, regardless of sect.
“As one group began
to dominate a certain area, it’d force others to leave,”
said Daunia Pavone, an aid worker who has focused on Iraq’s internally
displaced persons for the past three years.
In Sunni areas, they would
force the Shiites out, and vice versa. In mixed neighbourhoods, they’d
target the minority. They’d spread terror by killing a prominent
person, or leaving threatening notes or sending emails and text messages.
In the initial stages, a
family at least had time to sell its property or arrange an exchange
in another area. But as anarchy spread, and criminals began eyeing properties,
the ultimatums got shorter - in many cases, less than 24 hours.
Many provinces have placed
restrictions on the entry of the displaced due to overcrowding or shortages
of food, water and other essentials, or because of fears that terrorists
may slip in with the masses.
Some provinces demand that
new arrivals show cash or proof of a local sponsor. Yet others let the
homeless in but do not give them access the Public Distribution System
of subsidized food, gasoline and other rations, principally because
ration cards also confer voting rights. New arrivals threaten upsetting
the Arab-Kurdish or Shiite-Sunni power balance.
The net result is that tens
of thousands of Iraqis are roaming from province to province looking
for a safe haven.
Said Sara, an Iraqi who does
not want her last name used: “In Saddam’s time, you knew
how to protect yourself: `Don’t get involved in politics.’
Now you don’t know how to protect yourself. You may be killed
going to the bazaar. It’s a tsunami that has hit Iraq.”
– [email protected]
© Copyright Toronto
Star 1996-2007
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