Rhetoric
And Tactics In
British Foreign Policy
By Sukant Chandan
28 September, 2007
Countercurrents.org
This
weeks annual national Labour Party conference is witnessing the party’s
leadership doing all that they can to distance themselves from the Blair
years which are synonymous with Islamophobia, war, lies and deceit,
known as ‘spin’ in modern British political parlance, all
of which has alienated wide sections of the electorate from Labour.
If anyone might have been in doubt that such a grand exercise was taking
place Prime Minister Brown initiated proceedings with a speech, usually
scheduled at the end of the conference, for over an hour long which
gave one sentence each to Iraq and to Blair. The primary reason for
this public relations stunt is that Britain under Blair failed to make
a success in its aims, the most infamous now being the invasion of Iraq
based on ‘dodgy’ intelligence, i.e., a war of aggression
conducted on the basis of lies. If Iraq had gone smoothly with the Iraqis
welcoming the US and Britain, then Blair may still have been in charge
and continuing to be at the forefront of the US and UK’s plan
for a ‘New Middle East’ and much more beyond. Why a people
would welcome those countries which were responsible for dilapidating
UN sanctions and intermittent bombing raids for a decade and a half
can only be known to the policy makers in Whitehall. It has been left
to the insurgency in Iraq and Afghanistan to ensure that the world knows
loud and clearly that the occupation is not welcome and that Blair’s
name has gone down in history as one of the most brutal, cynical and
utterly failed military adventures in modern history.
Additionally, the US and
UK’s agenda for the region was aborted due to the continuing defiance
of the Palestinian people, who to much of the world’s surprise
elected Hamas, seen by most in the West until very recently as the archetypal
reactionary Islamist terror group. Hamas won the election and engaged
the West in a successful media and diplomatic campaign to show that
they are a legitimate and reasonable mass movement for national liberation.
Playing one last desperate card before his time was up, Blair gave full
backing to the bloody Israeli assault on Lebanon last summer, which
ended in the historic defeat of Israel, or at the very least gave a
hard and fast lesson to Israel that it could not invade a neighbouring
Arab country with impunity.
These failed campaigns have
led to the alienation of considerable sections of the British electorate
towards the Labour administration, be it from the Muslim community or
the liberal political classes. The opposition Tories and Liberal parties
took their advantage of Labour woes and Labour lost many council and
parliamentary seats up and down the country, while losing all of Scotland
to the Nationalists. Hence the panic in Labour circles and the operation
to extract what Labour saw as the primary and on-going cause of the
problem – Tony Blair. The ever-so-smooth handover of power from
Blair to Brown was a barely disguised attempt to manage and contain
any further fall-out from the political disasters that had plagued Labour.
Labour has now moved away
from Blairite out-right and open aggressiveness of the last decade and
reverted back to its political style of the late 1990s, choosing its
targets for foreign meddling a little more carefully and aiming at countries
which the political classes in Britain would find much more agreeable,
such as Myanmar, Zimbabwe and Sudan, all causes for a veritable ‘white
mans burden’. As a result Brown’s speech at annual Labour
conference this week was noticeable, apart from its vacuousness, for
barely mentioning Iraq and Afghanistan or his former boss’s name.
On the second day Foreign Secretary Miliband then tried to present Labour,
not as a government trying to dominate the Muslims, which is what some
‘very educated’ Pakistanis told him, but a champion of their
rights. With the intention of coming across as a liberator of Muslims,
he spoke in favour of including Turkey in the EU, resolving the Kosovo
issue and also helping the people of Darfur in Sudan. The message was
reinforced by the politically correct photo opportunity of a Muslim
woman complete with headscarf from Darfur who delivered a speech preceding
Miliband’s. He gave assurances that there were mistakes made vis-à-vis
Iraq; what they were we were not told but we assured us that it was
‘time to learn and move on’. It is expedient for Labour
to ‘move on’ from their former debacles in Iraq, but what
lessons have they learnt? If the public are ignorant as to knowing what
all this really means, if it means anything at all, is it right that
we should forget the fact that it was these very same people who were
leading ministers in the Labour government under Blair and as such politically
leading the charge into Iraq. Surely the Iraqi and Afghani people deserve
of a lot more than a momentary reassurance that some mysterious lessons
have been learnt.
It was left to Defence Secretary
Des Browne to expand on what lessons Labour have possibly learnt from
the past ten years in office. Echoing Karzai and the UK ambassador to
Afghanistan, he talked of engaging the Taliban in a peace process as
like Hamas, the Taliban are not going away. He also argued that Afghanistan
is unlikely to be able to sustain a western style democracy and that
its legal and political system will have to be rooted in Islamic law.
At first sight this seems to be encouraging as undeniably peace cannot
be reached in Palestine or in Afghanistan without nationalist forces
which reject the occupation being engaged in a process towards independence.
Unfortunately Browne’s subsequent comments made clear that there
is no real desire on part of the British to leave in Afghanistan in
peace; he argued that Britain will have to remain there for ‘at
least decades if not generations’, and that the campaign was one
of the ‘noblest causes of the 21st Century’.
In fact Browne’s comments
about engaging the Taliban are not dissimilar to what the occupation
forces are attempting to do in Iraq; a counter-insurgency tactic to
divide the resistance off from one another so as to weaken and strategically
defeat it. During the Vietnamese war this was known as the ‘Nixon
doctrine’, or put more simply ‘getting Asians to fight Asians’.
It has often been the case in armed conflicts that when an occupying
army is unable to win by outright brute force other political means
are used to attempt to weaken the insurgents, this is what is partly
taking place in Iraq today and what is being attempted in Afghanistan.
History has shown that in a context of an occupation by a big nation
of a small one, the forces of national resurgence are often stronger
than that of those who succumb to the enticements of the occupying forces.
This was recently and infamously exemplified by the assassination of
Iraqi Sunni tribal leader turned US ally, Abu Risha. As for the NATO
cause in Afghanistan being one of the noblest of this century, Labour
seems unable to learn the lessons from experiences of over one hundred
and fifty years, let alone the last ten. The nineteenth century in Afghanistan
is replete with examples of the British failing to subdue a people who
in response harassed and chased them away time and time again. Many
Afghanis are adamant that this too will be the fate of the NATO occupation
of their country.
The Labour Government seems to be coordinating its tactical approach
with the US, as witnessed by Bush’s address at the UN General
Assembly where he hardly mentioned Iraq or the Middle East and focused
instead on Myanmar, a thinly veiled attempt by the West at pushing the
Chinese around in the lead up to the Olympics. This avoidance of conflicts
in Iraq and Afghanistan is due to the insurgents in these countries
having made these military campaigns by the West an embarrassment, something
to be avoided at all costs in the media and at diplomatic conferences,
rather than any noble cause to be paraded in public which they hoped
it would be. Labour has returned to its humanitarian populist rhetoric
of the late 1990s, but remains deeply involved in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Its honeymoon period in government in the late 1990s was followed by
a period in which it dropped more bombs than all previous British governments
combined since the Second World War. Today US and UK standing in the
world is a great deal more shaky than it was in the 1990s as a result
of the moral and military failures in Iraq and Afghanistan, and only
a person betraying a profound sense of naivety can say that they will
not resort to aggression once more to shore up their precarious position
in the world.
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