And Timid Men -
How Empires Die
By Niranjan Ramakrishnan
29 September, 2006
"When Government undertakes a repressive policy, the innocent
are not safe. Men like me would not be considered innocent. The innocent
then is he who forswears politics, who takes no part in the public movements
of the times, who retires into his house, mumbles his prayers, pays
his taxes, and salaams all the government officials all round. The man
who interferes in politics, the man who goes about collecting money
for any public purpose, the man who addresses a public meeting, then
becomes a suspect. I am always on the borderland and I, therefore, for
personal reasons, if for nothing else, undertake to say that the possession,
in the hands of the Executive, of powers of this drastic nature will
not hurt only the wicked. It will hurt the good as well as the bad,
and there will be such a lowering of public spirit, there will be such
a lowering of the political tone in the country, that all your talk
of responsible government will be mere mockery...
"Much better that
a few rascals should walk abroad than that the honest man should be
obliged for fear of the law of the land to remain shut up in his house,
to refrain from the activities which it is in his nature to indulge
in, to abstain from all political and public work merely because there
is a dreadful law in the land."
--Rt. Hon. Srinivasa
Sastri, speaking in the Imperial Legislative Council, at the
introduction of the Rowlatt Bill, Feb 7, 1919
It was bad enough, when the bill
doing away with habeas corpus and adherence to the Geneva Conventions
was being discussed this week, that its supporters actually said that
only those who had done wrong need worry. It is further testament to
our standard of political discourse that the rebuttal was often equally
pathetic -- we can't trust this president to exercise good judgement!
Few statesman in today's debate can capture the issue as succinctly
as did Rt. Hon. Sastri nearly a century ago.
All of this is moot, in another sense. This is just one more slide,
albeit a huge one, in a long list of slippages our people and politicians
have allowed over the last decade,
always with the exhortation to 'put it behind us'.
We set out to make Iraq in America's image. We have succeeded splendidly
in achieving a certain mutual resemblance. Today there is no difference
between disappearing in Iraq and disappearing in America. In one place
you might be held incognito by a militia, in the other by the government.
Until yesterday, the difference was that in America, the governent was
obliged to produce you before a magistrate, to let you have a lawyer,
to allow your family to know.
The mobs in the middle east may raise a million cries of, "Death
to America", but it is George W. Bush and his pocket Congress that
are carrying out their wishes.
'Na Vakeel, Na Daleel, Na Appeal', was the slogan raised by Indians
against the imposition of the Rowlatt Act in 1919. Translation "No
lawyer, No Trial, No Appeal".
"The Rowlatt Act was
passed in 1919, indefinitely extending wartime "emergency meaures"
in order to control public unrest and root out conspiracy. This act
effectively authorised the government to imprison without trial, any
person suspected of terrorism living in the Raj." (From Wikipedia)
There was anger in
India -- and shock. Whatever one's dislike of British rule, it had the
perceived merit of standing fast by notions such as open trials, prisoner's
rights, appeals, due process, impressive in a country which had mainly
known princely whim for justice in earlier times. The Rowlatt Act tore
the veil of moral superiority from the public face of British rule.
Indian opposition to the Act, voiced by many well-meaning and eloquent
legislators such as Sastri, was ignored. Public outrage was widespread,
but unfocused. Gandhi was then a relatively fresh face in India, having
returned from South Africa less than four years before. His exploits
in South Africa and more recently in Bihar had won him fair renown,
but he was by no means yet pre-eminent.
Though on unfamilar political
terrain and younger than many other leaders in a country where age equated
to deference, Gandhi had two attributes that set him apart from most
other leaders --daring and faith. Only he could have had the nerve to
call for a general strike throughout India, as he did. Only he could
have grasped that a draconian law was an insult to the country, and
that to not counter it in the fullest measure was to betray an article
of faith. He was in Madras, at the home of his host Rajagopalachari
(later to be the first Indian Governor General), when, as he writes
in his autobiography, "The idea came last night in a dream that
we should call upon the country to observe a general hartal (strike)".
On April 6, without any formal organization, in an era without phones,
photocopiers, or computers, word spread, and the entire country came
to a standstill!
If Gandhi found a law permitting
detention without trail by a foreign government abhorrent enough to
launch a nationwide general strike, what is America doing when similar
laws are being passed by its own government?
Answer: Not even a filibuster.
Are there political leaders holding town hall meetings (electronic and
otherwise) telling the people what this draconian legislation means?
They are far too busy trying to dodge the accusation of being 'soft
on terror'. As in 2002, this will not save them. Tony Snow warned today
that their statements of doubt during the debate can and will be used
against them in the campaign (proof that Miranda at least still lives,
after a fashion). They are, in Sastri's words, "Toadies, Timid
Following the hartal, in
Punjab (where the Lt. Governor would shortly impose indignities such
as a crawling lane where Indians could not walk, but only crawl), people
assembled in a park in Amritsar on Baisakhi Day (the Punjabi New Year)
on April 13, 1919, to protest the arrest of two activists. Known to
history as Jallianwalla Bagh, the garden was enclosed all around by
a wall. Gen. Reginald Dyer, head of the army in Punjab, said he wanted
to provide Indians a "moral lesson", and had his troops fire
into the enclosed space, resulting in the death of 379 people (by official
The rest (no pun intended)
is history. After the Rowlatt Act and Jallianwala Bagh, the English
lost any moral hold they had over the minds of Indians. The Great Hartal
also signified the beginning of the Gandhi Era. Within thirty years,
the Empire was finished. As a booklet on Jallianwalla Bagh says, "If
at Plassey the foundations of the British Empire were laid, at Amritsar
they were broken".
In our times, having already
disdained the law and being caught out by the Supreme Court, our Emperors
are trying to rewrite the statute retroactively, assisted by a conscience-free
Congress. That a reportedly sick man hiding in a cave in Waziristan
has brought about the abolition of habeas corpus in America is the clearest
verdict on who is winning the War on Terror.
In India, in 1976, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi passed a similar law,
abolishing habeas corpus and setting herself unpunishable for any crimes
committed before or during her office (it was repealed, lock stock and
barrel, when a new government came to power). But before she could do
so, the entire opposition had been arrested, the press had censorship
clamped on it, and the jails filled with a hundred thousand dissenters
picked up in midnight sweeps. India's parliament does not have a filibuster.
The Democrats and Republicans who sold the country down the river have
no similar defense, other than to say it has become a habit.
Where is the Martin Luther
King today to call for civil disobedience? Where are the crowds outside
the White House and Congress? The fight is no longer aganist the Bush
administration or its minions in the other estates. Their Empire is
headed for the abyss. The question, is, will it take the Republic along?
Gandhi wrote in his Satyagraha
in South Africa (whose 100th Anniverary fell on 9-11-2006!), that people
came to him saying, "We are ready to follow you to the gallows".
He replied, "Jail is enough for me." If the Republic is to
be saved, those who love it must ask themselves what they are ready
to give up in return. As for the rest, Samuel Adams (yes, the beer guy)
had this answer:
"If ye love wealth
better than liberty, the tranquillity of servitude than the animating
contest of freedom, — go from us in peace. We ask not your counsels
or arms. Crouch down and lick the hands which feed you. May your chains
sit lightly upon you, and may posterity forget that ye were our countrymen!"
Niranjan Ramakrishnan can
be reached at firstname.lastname@example.org. His blog is at http://njn-blogogram.blogsot.com.
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