The
Atrocities Of Augusto Pinochet And The United States
By Roger Burbach
17 December, 2006
Countercurrents.org
In
Santiago on September 11, 1973 I watched as Chilean air force jets flew
overhead. Moments later I heard explosions and saw fireballs of smoke
fill the sky as the presidential palace went up in flames. Salvador
Allende, the elected Socialist president of Chile died in the palace.
As an American the death
of General Augusto Pinochet brings back many memories of the military
coup and the role played by my government in the violent overthrow of
Allende. From the moment of his election in September, 1970 the Nixon
administration mounted a covert campaign against him. Henry Kissinger,
then Nixon’s National Security adviser, declared: “I don’t
see why we need to stand idly by and watch a country go Communist due
to the irresponsibility of its own people.” Weeks later the pro-constitutionalist
head of the army, General Rene Schneider, was assassinated in a failed
attempt to stop the inauguration of Allende.
For the next three years
CIA-backed terrorist groups bombed and destroyed state railroads, power
plants and key highway arteries to create chaos and stop the country
from functioning. The goal was to “make the economy scream”
as Nixon ordered. US corporations such as IT&T also participated
in the efforts to destabilize the country.
In the midst of this struggle
for control of Chile, Allende insisted, almost stubbornly, on maintaining
the country’s democratic institutions. He enjoyed immense popular
support from below, even in the waning days of his government when the
economy was in shambles and virtually everyone believed a confrontation
was imminent. I’ll never forget the last major demonstration on
September 4, 1973, when the Alameda, the major avenue of downtown Santiago,
was packed with tens of thousands of marchers, all intent on passing
by the presidential palace where Allende stood on a balcony waving to
the crowd. This was no government-orchestrated demonstration in which
people were trucked in from the barrios and countryside. These people
came out of a deep sense of commitment, a belief that this was their
government and that they would defend it to the end.
In the aftermath of the coup
over three thousand people perished, including two American friends
of mine, Charles Horman and Frank Terrugi. The United States knowing
of these atrocities, rushed to support the military regime, reopening
the spigot of economic aid that had been closed under Allende. When
the relatives of Horman and Terrugi made determined inquires about their
disappearances and deaths, the US embassy and the State Department stonewalled
along with the new military junta. Four weeks after the coup, I fled
across the Andes, returning to the United States to do what I could
to denounce the crimes of Pinochet and my government.
I returned to Chile for the
1988 plebiscite that finally forced Pinochet out of office after seventeen
long and brutal years. But for eight more years his dark hand hung over
Chile as he continued in his role as the commander in chief of the army.
Finally as a result of years of hard work by the international human
rights movement, Pinochet was detained in London in October 1998 for
crimes against humanity. Five hundred days later he was sent back to
Chile, allegedly for health reasons. There the Chilean courts lead by
Judge Juan Guzman squared off with the general’s right wing supporters
and the military, stripping him of his immunity from prosecution as
“Senator-for-Life,” a position he bestowed on himself when
he retired from the army.
As the proceedings against
Pinochet advanced, new reports of US complicity in the coup and the
repression began to surface, particularly about the role of Kissinger.
The Chilean courts tried to compel Kissinger to testify, but they received
no cooperation from the US Justice Department. French courts also issued
orders for the interrogation of Kissinger, making him realize that he
like Pinochet did not enjoy international impunity from prosecution.
Small wonder that Kissinger wrote an article in Foreign Affairs magazine,
decrying the use of the principle of ‘universal jurisdiction’
by courts to bring human rights violators to justice.
In Chile President Michele
Bachelet whose father died in prison under Pinochet has refused to grant
the ex-dictator a state funeral. Only military bands will play at his
interment. Eduardo Contreras, a Chilean human rights lawyer, declared,
“Pinochet should be buried as a common criminal,” adding,
“The dictator died on December 10, the International Day of Human
Rights. It is as if humanity chose this special moment to weigh in with
its final judgment, declaring ‘enough’ for the dictator.”
The burial of Pinochet comes
at a moment when the current Bush administration is being scrutinized
for its atrocities and crimes against humanity that are even more appalling
than those of the former Chilean dictator. It is another irony of history
that Pinochet died on Donald Rumsfeld’s last full day as Secretary
of Defense. Like Pinochet and Kissinger, Rumsfeld may very well spend
the rest of his life trying to escape the grasp of domestic and international
courts. Eleven Iraqi prisoners held in Abu Ghraib and a Saudi detained
in Guantanamo are filing criminal charges in German courts against Rumsfeld
and other US civilian and military officials, including Attorney General
Alberto Gonzalez. And on last Friday as Rumsfeld was making a farewell
speech to his cohorts at the Pentagon, attorneys from the American Civil
Liberties Union argued in a Washington D.C. federal court that Rumsfeld
and three senior military officials should be held responsible for the
torture of Iraqi and Afghani detainees.
The Pinochet affair has shaped
a whole new generation of human rights activists and lawyers. They are
determined to end the impunity of public officials, including that of
the civilian and military leaders in the United States who engage in
state terrorism and human rights abuses while violating international
treaties like the Geneva Conventions.
Roger Burbach
is author of “The Pinochet Affair: State Terrorism and Global
Justice,” Zed Books, New York and London. A Spanish edition is
also available with a prologue by Judge Juan Guzman: “El Affair
Pinochet: Terrorismo de Estado y Justicia Global,” Mosquito Communicaciones,
Santiago, Chile.
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