Nepal And Philippines: Connecting The Dots ......With India
By Trevor Selvam
25 July, 2011
Countercurrents.org
An international conference was held in the Philippines, in July 2011, (the 4th Assembly of the International League of Peoples’ Struggles). Over 1000 representatives of trade unions, peasants’ councils, grass roots organizations, women’s groups, migrant workers associations, progressive religious organizations, cultural workers, LGBT consolidations, journalists, filmmakers and solidarity movements from various leftwing political streams (from all continents) had assembled. A veteran left winger and socialist from an underdeveloped country (non-Maoist) sighed as he remarked that the left wing world today is divided into two streams. On the one side were those who have essentially moved away from the path of revolutionary struggles for power seizure and rely on legal and parliamentary struggles, or old and new forms of trade unionism to achieve partial gains, or expect some form of social democracy to emerge or they expect an insurrectionary situation to happen “inevitably” or spontaneously from the inherent crisis of the current world economic order.
On the other side, he continued, are Maoists and their various fronts, who have not given up on their long standing belief in organized armed resistance (“protracted peoples’ war”) and continue to engage in revolutionary warfare against the state, “and they are the only ones who continue to exist and expand. For them the revolution never ends.”
The statement was actually a tacit nod, coming from a long time left winger that the international Maoist movement, despite occasional setbacks, remains a viable force that the US and its apologists fear the most in their counter-insurgency strategy. He continued, by saying- “ No other force has a combined program to fight for aboriginal peoples’ rights, fight for agrarian revolution, fight against transnational mining corporations out to uproot peasants and farm workers from their traditional lands, and fight large corporations who want to force a plantation type non-sustainable economy, based on a neo-liberal economic model. ”
It is no longer a simplistic dichotomy between legal and illegal activity, between armed underground and overground mass organizations, but how to combine all forms of struggle and mass communication techniques in the best way possible to create a national and cultural consensus that undermines the ruling class hegemony over popular myths and to instigate the mentality required for fundamental social change. The revolution cannot be an isolated process, in this day and age, waiting to be noticed in its remote hideout because of the efforts of intrepid reporters or because of visits by famous writers, or making the headlines, because of “military incidents.” The need for change must become the driving force for all discussions on the mainstream and alternate media on social change. And discussions about injustice and fundamental change must not be distracted and diverted by kitschy discussions on the “new” found fatuous beast of corruption. Corruption is merely a symptom of a caste-ridden semi-feudal cultural landscape. It will not go away, as long as social divisions are sanctified in the Indian mindset. From Ministers and orderlies to chaprasis and IPS officers, the servant-master relationship determines how to “get the job done, by other means..” In the UK, senior police officers have resigned because of proximity to the satanic activities of the Murdoch chain. In India, nothing of such sort will happen, despite, murders, assassinations, mass killings and encounters. In fact, India’s top journalists lounge around with police officers, ministers and industrialists and they are caught on tape, tilting the newscasts. And yet they continue the brand of journalism that essentially ignores the structural violence inflicted by the state. This is something that Binayak Sen, P.Sainath and others routinely raise in public forums.
While there are many organizations, worldwide and in India, that are waging important struggles on single issues, on avowedly legal and non-violent methodologies, the Maoists do provide a framework for systemic change in methodical stages, using armed resistance and mass movement. In India, however, their mass movement aspect remains weak and undisciplined, to say the least. It is however no surprise that Noynoy Aquino, Manmohan Singh and the India-subservient Nepali Congress (and some of their “Marxist-Leninist” UML allies) sing the exact same tune dispensed by the US State Department that the Maoists are the greatest danger to the stability of these countries. The words are the same and significant.
Maoist movements, as in the Philippines, Nepal and India and as well the beginnings of nascent movements in several other countries, are survivors. They are attempting to learn continuously from their errors and not disposing off their affiliations as worn and used clothes, as some seem to have done. They remain in the forefront of an organized, sustained resistance to American power in general and to keeping alive the basic tenets of socialism as originally envisaged by Karl Marx in the 1800s. All other streams, despite strongly held beliefs, seem to be committing all their energies in single issue battles, continuous accommodation of liberal democracy, hair-splitting debates amongst themselves and ultimately surrendering to neo-liberal politics by acquiescing to land acquisition for “development”. In India there is, as well, the unique development of “left” leaning talking heads on the Glen Beck style channels run by Arnab Goswami, Barkha Dutt and others. When they are not professing their “balanced” criticism of the violence of the state and Maoists’ counter violence, they are busy doing expert calisthenics on the side lines, on their various blogs and websites. Maoists are of course seen by the non-Maoist left either as remnants of the red-book waving, stiff-lipped, doctrinaire rebels from the Stalinist past or the radicals from the sixties who got absorbed in European governments as Ministers or as environmental politicians. Until recently, these experts had written-of the Maoists.
The long time socialist in the conference further went on to say, “The essential Maoists have continued locating themselves amongst the rural masses, rebuilding from the defeats/errors of the past and entrenching themselves in relatively remote areas in third world countries to build up their popular mass base. This has been going on from the mid-80s. Their dedication is unquestionable. But, will all this work? Do they have mainstream support? That is a good question to ask. ”
Uniting with those you have to Struggle With
Irrespective of errors, flaws, intense internal debates and various setbacks in the past several decades, it seems the question that has haunted Maoists, is how to be bring the politics overground without abandoning the underground? How to work in mass organizations without attempting to dominate? How to use the language that is suitable for a particular mass movement and not bring in all other issues at the same time? How to “unite with those you have to struggle with.”
Maoists combine the use of theory and practice for revolutionary seizure of power in a detailed manner, especially when it comes to land reform and protracted peoples’ war. This is particularly relevant, in an era when triumphant capitalism had declared the death of socialism after the fall of the Soviet Union, followed by the path taken by China towards “market socialism.” It is also relevant in a country like India where 70% of the population lives in the countryside and is dependent on the land and over 50% of the population is declared living under the extreme poverty level by the latest census (never mind that the Indian governments’ definitions of poverty level and body mass index itself remain a sick joke and a blatant manipulation of data to suit ulterior purposes). There are other estimates that suggest that nearly 80% of India’s population live on no more that Rs.40 per day (less than one dollar per day).
Maoists are believers in socialism and like to put in practice, wherever they can wield political control for whatever period of time. It is no surprise therefore that the Maoists have asserted that they will even distribute land to the tribals who were lured into the Selwa Judum, (provided they come back to the villages they left and face the local councils) who have now been asked by the Supreme Court to be disbanded. Socialist ideals, in their opinion, are not on the run. In fact, today, the international world order, under the captaincy of the United States is pretty much on the backfoot with occasional spurts of thuggish depravity. It is the US and its arrogant camp followers, that are exposed---France, UK, Germany, Italy, Australia, Canada, Japan etc and pariah-hooligan states like Israel, who are engaged everyday in illegal wars, illegal violent acts, kidnappings, false flag incidents, drone deaths, no fly zones that end up being carpet bombings of civilian facilities, illegal criminal courts etc. And then there is structural violence perpetrated through IMF-WB and Eurozone, plain sleaziness in media manipulation, plain obstructionism on environmental issues and the complete bankruptcy of the financial world order, they set up. While notions like “Arab Spring”, “BRICS countries, “ALBA”, “Islamic resistance to US hegemony” “China’s emergence as a world economic power”, the “Latin American resurgence against US domination”etc are significant developments, what is crucial is that at some point there has to be a confrontation between the two philosophies—the one that cares for the general good and one that does not, the one that believes in an imperial order and the one that believes in resisting it.
Therefore the choices today are quite different from the apocalyptic notions spewed out in the Thatcher-Reagan-Clinton years of the “collapse of the evil empire,” meaning the end of societies and philosophies that care for the wretched of the earth. In reality today, the US as an Empire and a social order closely resembles that of Rome’s Nero. Therefore the Maoists believe that it is the other Empire that shows signs of collapse.
However, another commentator further stated that “the successes of the Maoist movement are not always obtained without serious losses and setbacks and these should all be seen in the context of a larger capability of the movement to engage in genuine mass movements, avoid militarist tendencies and engage the forces of the state in strategic and tactical, offensive and defensive manoeuvres, as well as building towards a stalemate where negotiations are inevitable. If revolution was only about military successes, it would become a reactionary affair.”
The one question, that remains fundamental for the Indian Maoists then, is how to combine with existing mass organizations, how to unite with the movement in general, how to engage in developing new mass organizations, how not to interfere with the workings of existing mass organizations and what language to use when participating in mass organizations, and how to combine the urban with the rural struggles, when to emphasize which aspect of the movement and how to emerge as part of a nationwide platform on social change.
In this paper, one will only discuss some experiences of the Maoist movements in Nepal and Philippines, based on interviews and experiences on the ground, especially in relationship to armed struggle and mass organizations in Philippines or as in the case of Nepal, between armed struggle and the civic society movement.
Philippines
For the past forty years, the principle form of struggle of the Communist Party of Philippines has been armed struggle conducted through the leadership of the New Peoples’ Army (known all over the world as the NPA). Despite having faced serious and brutal military attacks by the Aquino and Ramos regimes and also because of some left deviationist periods in the past and drastic reduction in strength due to militarist tendencies, the NPA today is a formidable force, again, making its presence felt in more than 90 of the 110 provinces of Philippines. The current balance of force has been achieved by continuously rectifying its mistakes and errors and continuously analysing each and every sector of struggle in details and arriving at optimized and relevant methods of struggle. If there is no research, no investigation, no analyses--then there is no action ---that is the cornerstone of NPA’s methodology. Apart from having platoon strength in many areas, the NPA is ready for company strength as well in certain areas. In the consolidated guerrilla bases, in North East Mindanao, Ka Maria Malaya, leader of the underground National Democratic Front (NDF), asserts that despite many brutal attacks by the military of the US-led Aquino regime, these areas are now seeing significant consolidation, with land distribution, area protection, land reform, increase in productivity, schools operating in full swing, health clinics—in other words, she says, a parallel government in place with zero intervention possible from Manila. “The NDF is the revolutionary organization of the peoples’ democratic revolution in the guerrilla regions and fronts.” The NDF does not claim to have base areas like in Mao’s Yenan. The Philippines is an archipelago with over 7,000 islands and is comparatively a small nation, surrounded by water. It would be impractical to defend a base area, physically—until a countrywide insurrectionary situation is reached-- but effectively the NPA and NDF wield control in large and significant areas of the 3 regions, Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao. It is through the use of concepts of guerrilla bases and guerrilla fronts, the NDF and NPA have expanded their territorial influence. Therefore a careful and precise differentiation of the power structures in liberated base areas, as opposed to guerrilla bases and guerrilla zones or fronts has been popularized.
As per Fidel Agcaoili, Chairperson of the NDF-Monitoring committee (the negotiating arm of the NDF, based in the Netherlands), the NDF was founded in 1974 as an underground organization during the Marcos dictatorship, based on a 10 point program of unity. Students and youth, doctors and health workers, urban and barrio working class organizations, including the underground Christians for National Liberation form a part of the NDF. Today there are 17 organizations, a popular alliance or United Front of organizations, including the CPP, the Moro revolutionary organization and others who form part of the NDF. It has now established an overseas negotiating organization in the Netherlands as well. All the organizations in the NDF support armed struggle as the principle means of resistance to the puppet regime. Fidel asserted that roughly 30-35% of the Philippine population, by even mainstream media reports, is under the influence of the NDF. Out of a total population of 101 million, 11 million live abroad. Overseas Philipinos play an active role in the progressive cause at home. The CPP has a definitive 5 –year program in place to reach a stage of “strategic stalemate” by enhancing its armed forces to platoon and company strength, augment it’s organs of political power (at the urban and rural municipality level through mass organizations) and concentrate on implementing the 5 hectare land ceiling limit in areas under their control. There are areas where company strength has already been achieved. The other side of the coin is that the movement has reached such proportions that in certain regions more than ten battalions of the Philippines army have been deployed against the NPA (Caraga region) including light artillery and helicopter squadrons. The current negotiations, which have been going on and off due to the backstabbing and recalcitrance of the Philippine government, during the time of Cory Aquino, Arroyo, Estrada and now the younger “noynoy” Aquino III (all landlord families) have been based on a four point program mutually accepted by both sides. (Incidentally, Azad, the leader of the Indian Maoist party was trapped and murdered by the Mossad–trained Indian Police Force out of Andhra Pradesh, in the same manner that leaders of the NDF were trapped and murdered during the negotiation process in “encounters.”) The lessons are transferable. The pattern is the same in India and the Philippines. The American-puppet landlord families who run the Philippines, are nearly comparable to the IMF-WB implanted leaders in India; dependent representatives of international capital-- Manmahon Singh, Montek Ahluwalia, PC Chidambaram, Kapil Sibal, Jairam Ramesh amongst others are nothing but suave proponents of the US-dollar based neo liberal global economy.( For those who often mutter about the relative independence of the Indian elite, they should take note how Manmohan Singh backed off after receiving one phone call from Washington DC about not buying crude oil from Iran and paying in rupees, which the Iranians had agreed to.) The principle task of this coterie in power is to maintain the notion that the investment climate must be made attractive enough for foreign direct investment, while simultaneously ensuring that land grabs are made possible to ship out the country’s resources to “earn foreign exchange and thereby build the capital for infrastructural developments.” At the same time, no effort is spared by the Manmahon –Acquino elite in carrying out “encounter killings” on a routine basis of those who want to protect the country’s resources and the aboriginal people who live in the forests and mountains of this terrain. Exactly as in India, you hear about Posco, Vedanta, Tatas and others ----- in the Philippines you hear about Barrick, Rio Tinto and others. All in a desperate rush to displace people and dig up the ore, the diamond, the gold, the bauxite, the uranium and other elements and minerals.
As simplistic as it may sound, it is the Indian government’s own consultative bodies that have repeatedly affirmed that what is happening in the mountains and tribal belts of India “is the largest land grab since Columbus” grabbed America and wiped out millions of native Amerindians. Manmahon Singh, no saint himself ---as is often propagated by the Indian media--- had removed large and significant sections of a report (the draft was made public earlier) on the rural employment scheme which clearly stated that the Maoists’ threat was real, if some of their issues were not resolved immediately. There are some analysts who make complex arguments to suggest that the Indian bourgeoisie is partially independent. Of course, they have some negotiating skills and of course they would not like to be seen as arse-backwards compradors. The Indian big bourgeoisie remains as pro-imperialist as the Philippine compradors are puppets..
However, here is the important point of departure which Indian Maoists must learn from the Philippine revolutionaries. For several decades the Philipinos have also built up umbrella organizations like Bayan, which itself is comprised of nearly ONE THOUSAND mass organizations. Bayan is an open mass organization that does not espouse armed struggle. It has mobilized practically every sector of Philipino society from doctors, lawyers, technicians, civic society stalwarts, cultural workers, mainstream artists, journalists, prisoners’ rights organizations, filmmakers, slum dwellers, dock workers, women’s organizations and the LGBT community under the Bayan umbrella. Several Congresspersons, senators and Bishops were open supporters of Bayan, participating in the anti-imperialist conference and acknowledging applause from the audience with clenched fist salutes. Bayan has full time activists, who are given a minimum allowance to travel around and for emergency purposes, but have to depend on their mass work to sustain themselves as far as food and shelter goes. Organizations within Bayan, produce their own newspapers and pamphlets and there is a significant belief that newspapers and their dissemination are of critical importance. Both in rural areas and urban centers, in the dramatic performances, in producing short documentaries, in the modern dance interpretations of Philipino dancers, in the musical performances, it was clear that the level of mass participation and the technological capabilities (sound, light, camera work, precision, equipment and printed material) there was experience writ large and no excuses could be made for shoddy timing or equipment or paucity of funds. Yes, the workers continuously innovated (I saw an activist converting a bicycle frame into a shoulder held camera positioner) but mass work automatically meant mass communication. Getting the word out through poster displays that are moved around from barrio to barrio, campus to campus, street theatre, flyers, and relatively up to date audio visual equipment was a universal feature. Similarly a contingent of Philipino Americans, from Bayan USA, demonstrated extraordinary skills in live video-remix (Digital scratching of DVD films), combining rapping and a live hip hop crew in full cry, to put across in-depth messages, not only about social transformation in Philippines, but also the kind of direct social action and skills training they engage in with impoverished and marginalized communities in LA, NY and Manila. Their message, their murals, their words, the hip hop poetry—always serious and significant and in support of the struggles of ordinary people.
The NDF and the stages of negotiation
Fidel Agcaoili explained the 4 points of discussion in the current negotiations of the NDF with the Philippine government. 1) Mutual respect for Human Rights (there is agreement on that) 2) Agreement on socio-economic reforms viz. land reforms, nationalizations etc (these are at the second stage of negotiations) 3) Political and constitutional Reforms and 4) End of Hostilities. He asserted that the Hague declaration which initiated the discussions, clearly also stated that there would be no pre-conditions on each other, no demands for ceasefire and no imposition of each others’ constitution on the other. The Indian Maoists must therefore understand that haphazard attempts at negotiations leads to the murder of senior leaders and the international Maoist movement is deeply upset and affected by the murder of Azad.
Regarding “boycotting elections”, Fidel Agcaoili was very clear. The CPP will never participate in elections. It does not matter how condescending and patronizing the state and its sycophants wish to be, when they talk about “abjuring violence and returning to the fold.” However, he clearly stated that elections give an opportunity to “air demands.” Above ground organizations are encouraged to support and provide the material basis for support to candidates contesting from progressive platforms. Underground organizers assist and provide support for chosen electoral candidates. In India, many Maoists were thrown into a tizzy by the participation of PCAPA leader Chatradhar Mahato (from behind bars) in the last assembly elections. Mahato is a people’s leader with a huge mass following. He, along with his close comrades, many of whom have been killed by the erstwhile “Left” front government of West Bengal, had been successful in mobilizing hundreds of thousands of aboriginal people against the corruption and malpractices of the organized “left” (in power for 34 years until recently) and their para-military forces. Although he was unable to win, it was clear that from behind bars his mass appeal remained strong. In the Philippines, the death of people of the equivalence of the significant leaders of the PCAPA, like Lalmohan Tudu, Sidhu Soren, Sashadhar Mahato and Umakanto Mahato and several others who were murdered in cold blood, would have led to an international movement and campaign which would be spearheaded by all mass organizations.. But alas, in India, there is no Bayan. Each individual Human and civil rights organizations and citizens’ coalitions develop their own programs without having a common understanding, for the most part. In fact, in India, there is no basis for so many civil rights organizations, sometimes more than one in the same city, all spawned by different political allegiances and past affiliations. In the Philippines, unconditional release of political prisoners and prisoners’ right movement is extraordinarily united and strong.
One significant factor in the developments in the Philippines is the unique leadership of the CPP. There are not ten contending Maoists or Marxist-Leninist groups. The entire coordination of groups that are part of Bayan, have a singleness of purpose in mobilizing for a democratic revolution. The mass front organizations work on the premise that “we must unite with those whom we have to struggle with.” In their approach, they clearly exercise absolute independence as mass organizations. They are not afraid of any single influence, nor are they subject to any arrogant interventions..
At the back of their minds, there is the greatest respect for the NDF and the NPA, even though both are underground banned organizations. Respect does not come from spectacular military actions, but quietly organizing in rural and urban areas and transforming the popular conscience. Respect comes from generating civic society leaders who form their own organizations and make public demands that are part of the new consensus. Respect comes from allowing mass organizations to flower in their areas of expertise, be it barrio organizing or making 15 min documentaries for YouTube distribution. Thus, there is the underground CPP, and the underground NDF and then there is Bayan which is an open mass organizations that also envelopes Senators and Congresspersons.
Nepal
Nepal is a complex Maoist situation, with no previous parallels. In Nepal, a 2,000 year old monarchy, was overthrown by a ten year guerrilla struggle led by the Maoists and a 19 day civic society upheaval known as the Jana Andolan (The Peoples’ Movement). Irrespective of the current political debates within the Maoists about what line to pursue (which is a source of great glee amongst their detractors) the Maoists of Nepal have shown exemplary political maturity, extraordinary grasp of the exigencies of history, carrying out a preliminary revolution in this tiny area of land sandwiched between a hostile and expansionist India and an indifferent but opportunist China.
There are 75 districts in Nepal and 73 of them were mobilized during the Jana Andolan. It is easily one of the largest left wing movements the world has seen in recent times. No environmental, no peace, no anti-globalization, no farmers, no anti-nuclear, no workers movement, no single issue struggle anywhere in the world has been able to mobilize such a large mass of people for social transformation in recent times. And the movement has been successful. It has shocked the United States and set into motion all the espionage, subterfuge networks of all its local camp followers. The Maoists participated in large numbers in the Jana Andolan, being one of its major components through various underground and overground consolidations. The people of Nepal were far ahead of the analytical left wing theorists sitting in New Delhi, Paris, Brussels, Mumbai, Kolkata, London, New York or San Francisco.. Maoists, Civic Society leaders and other political parties, in towns and urban areas came together during this 19 day movement to overthrow the monarchy. Maoists held sway over 75% of the countryside, ensuring that the Nepalese Army could not go on a rampage against the people. In effect, Maoists had driven away reactionary elements from the rural areas but they did not have the ability to physically control district headquarters and they could not also control any urban centers or towns for more than 24 hours. However, their presence in the interiors was such, that the Nepalese Army and reactionary circles were forced to confine themselves to their barracks or go on counter attacks against the urban civilian population. Without the Maoists’ Peoples’ Army, the civic society movement would not have a backbone. The Main top level Organization that was built up was called “The Citizens Movement for Democracy and Peace.” The success of the movement was obvious. The first meeting of the Constituent Assembly resulted in the scrapping of the monarchy and the definition of a Hindu state (the only one in the world at that time) and its replacement by a secular state. In the Interim constitution, men and women were made equal. In the Interim assembly, 32% were women (51 % of Nepal’s population are women), 8% Dalit, 34% Madhesi (Madhesis are 32 % of Nepal’s population). It was an immense transformation in a very short period of time. In the Terai region, most aboriginal people (there are Santhals, Meche, Koche, Tharu people with 4% Muslims) were under represented by political parties. The rural-urban divide, the divide between Pahari and Madhesi people was significant. Most political parties had become unpopular. Unemployment was significant and therefore the objective conditions for revolutionary change were on the rise.
Some Background
During the ten years of Nepali Congress rule (Koirala), the UML (United Marxist Leninist) party (a hangover grouping formed during the early Naxalbari uprising period, who slowly evolved into a petit bourgeois organization that participated in elections) were the largest party. When Nepal Congress pulled the rug from under their feet (of course with the misplaced guidance of the Indian government and the notorious interventions of the American Ambassador at that time), the King made a comeback using “parliamentary democracy versus Maoist anarchy” as a poser. This immediately galvanized the civic society of Nepal. Professors, teachers, Barristers’ associations, NGO groupings, Women’s groups, youth and student groups, medical associations, prominent personalities, some non-leftist groups opposed to monarchy/autocracy, writers formed this independent association. They had already been organizing in their own professional and trade organizations for several years. They kept in close contact with the Maoists, but the Maoists did not try to intervene and overpower. In fact the Civic society movement developed for at least six months in 33 districts and to all urban centres.
As a result, when the King seized power, the independent groups, civic society groups united with the Maoists asking the people to “Come to the streets.” At first the government banned any assemblies, in the main city centres, but all parties assembled and over 30, 000 people came together in July 2005. Kathmandu was paralyzed. Nepal came to a standstill. Koirala and other mainstream parties (former Prime Ministers) sat below the dais amongst the audience as civic society members, led by three significant leaders who took to the main rostrum--- Dr. Devenraj Pandey (ex-Finance Minster),Krishna Pahari (Human Rights activist) and Shyam Shrestha (the former leader of the IV Congress Nepal Communist Party). Such was the strength of the Civic Society movement. It has been successful to the point of annulling the monarchy, bundling off the king and creating the movement for a new constitution. Unfortunately the Nepal Congress (a representative of major traditional Marwari business interests who have been in Nepal for centuries—some 22 families that rule the roost in Nepali industry) and the UML with its own inner dissension and waxing and waning politics, were not conducive to a clean break with the past.
The Maoists remain the largest working class organization, with extensive trade union participation and expansion in the previous 3 years, but are also facing serious difficulties considering the two-line struggles within their organization (and not 3 as the bourgeois press would like everyone to believe), resulting in some serious problems in the transformation of Nepalese society. This is a subject for another discussion. When the Maoists participated in the elections, they had no split in their party. However, they incorrectly agreed to a clause that the government “should be of national consensus.” Despite being the largest political party (62 % of the Nepalese Parliament can be considered leftist) the Maoists could not bring about a left-leaning constitution, because basically India would not have it. The Indian government finds the Maoists are not easy to control, despite the collaborative assistance supplied to the Indian government by Prakash Karat and crew, in the past. India is thus very critical of the development of the Nepalese Constituent Assembly.
Until the Constitution is ratified, the monarchy can make a back door re-entrance, with the tacit involvement of India. The revolution in Nepal should be re-initiated, because social and economic transformations have not happened. The formalization of a secular state, the dissolution of monarchy and the declaration of a federal republic is still not done. The UML (with more than two factions within its fold have been playing games, stalling the advances of the constitutional process).
Summary
Nepal and Philippines are thus two completely different examples of successful Maoist movements. In Nepal, the Maoists were able to wage ten years of guerrilla struggle in the rural countryside, led prominently by members of the intelligentsia who had a firm grasp of the political history of the Russian, Chinese, and Cuban Revolutions. They were very quickly able to bring in the participation of working class and peasant leaders including a significant number of women leaders who are now in the forefront of the theoretical debates in their organization. At no time did the Nepalese Maoists, shun the task of building mass organizations, in the urban and industrial centers, despite being a banned organization. They have reached a particular stage of their revolution and it seems that only by going back to the masses and seeking a new mandate through another revolutionary struggle, they can invigorate their ranks and reach that peak that they have been trying to assail. So far, they have carefully avoided confrontation with the reactionary circles, who are aided and abetted by India and the US.
The Philippines is a completely different picture.. After overcoming political deviations and the intense military assault on the their guerrilla zones and fronts, the Philipino Maoists have mastered the concept of building unity on an anti-imperialist, anti-feudal basis and effectively building thousands of mass organizations. The Philipino revolutionaries have a strategic target to build to a stalemate in 5 years by effective use of their armed units to defend their guerrilla bases and as well as promoting the open mass organizations. The Philippines is a society that is heavily influenced by American culture and the preceding Spanish colonisations. As a result the cultural attributes of the Philipino people are quite different from let us say the regions of India, as in Bastar, Dantewada, where Maoists maintain their strongholds. As an example, guitars, drums and tribal nose flutes are part of the natural cultural repertoire of the guerrilla formations. Rifles and guitars are treasured pieces of equipment. Dance techniques combine both tribal and modern western choreography. It allows the popular organizations greater mobility, greater blending, practical use of technology, inculcate communication skills and not be burdened by any form of feudal backwardness (like caste, class and “guru-dada”-complexes), to build mass organizations efficiently and by all means possible. Mass organizations are well equipped. Some of the greatest achievements of the Philipinos is their ability to spread the word through cultural activities, documentaries, DVDs, websites, phenomenal national peoples’ choirs, music bands, dance recitals, a vibrant street theatre culture, newsletters and of course the overseas Philipino community. The CPP, at the core, surrounded by the NDF and then the larger open mass organizations led by Bayan are a significant and innovative contribution to the revolutionary process.
The key factor in both Nepal and Philippines has been the intelligent independence of mass organizations, the detailed understanding of when to negotiate, when to withdraw and above all the tremendous ability to undermine the propaganda of the mainstream media and take the debate for revolutionary change into a national platform.
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