Beyond The Lokpal Bill
By Leo F. Saldanha
23 April, 2011
Countercurrents.org
The recent success of the Anna Hazare led movement for legislating the much delayed Lokpal Bill, considered a major requirement to tackle corruption in public life in India, has energised public confidence in protests. The middle class that played a major role in this movement now believe protests work, this even in a country where democracy is "celebrated" mainly during elections.
An interesting feature of this movement has been that it was largely active in metropolitan areas, was strongly driven by corporate workers and corporates too, and found resounding support of the growing Indian middle classes. Interesting to note is the fact that the large farming population and the informal working sectors were not so engaged with this movement, as were not trade unions and other large public interest networks.
The media's acute support for the movement, particularly the electronic media, was essentially based on the claim that the people of India had risen to tackle the spectre of corruption, and this had happened under the inspiring leadership of a "Gandhian". Suddenly, it was right to be a Gandhian, and to even fashionably dress as one.
Contrast this with the India of the 1990s, shining as it were, impatiently waiting to jump out of the sluggish Hindu rate of economic growth. The media that drummed up support for liberalisation of the Indian economy, found extraordinarily innovative ways to communicate to the wide public then, that the days of being Gandhian were passe . The consumer was king, and the culture this king produced was the new way forward. Therefore, it was time to hang up our desi boots and get used to the global way of walking and running, with Nike and Reebok to boot. Just do it! Never matter how!
A couple of decades later, we now have the spectre of corruption being tackled by the very same pressure groups and classes that promoted and benefit from such economic liberalisation. But there is no effort to enquire whether the reforms aren't to blame for the sheer scale and grandeur of corruption in India today. Abhorring the thought of making such connections, the influential middle classes by and large believe that institutions such as the Lokpal and Lokayukta can and will tackle the malaise of graft. A somewhat corporate solution has been discovered and is being aggressively promoted to sustain the belief that heroes can fix the maladies of the governance system crippled as it were by corruption. The only impediment that now needs to be overcome appears to be the efforts of greasy politicians out to scuttle this progressive effort in one way or the other.
It is perhaps possible to contain the damage done to our governance systems and public order by exposing and punishing the corrupt. After all, is this not the corollary purpose of enforcing the rule of law? But such measures ought to be perceived more as a remedy to attend to an injury, like a 'band aid' to a wound. For corruption, after all, is a mere symptom of the diabetes afflicting the body of governance. A festering, septic wound may be cured, by taking harsh measures when needed. But that will not prevent the next wound from occurring, and turning septic, sore and stinking. So just like a diabetes patient has to undergo a lifestyle change to restore balance of various chemicals in the human body, and adopt ways that will attack the core of the disease, similarly engaging systemically to affect positive change in governance is the real cure. To secure which, the Lokpal and Lokayukta institutions are worthwhile but small beginnings.
True reform is only possible when the public everywhere systemically engage with all public decisions. S ome examples of what it takes: each and every project decision must be based on deeply consultative mechanisms that practices the Principle of Prior and Informed Consent; power must genuinely devolve to local governments without being remote controlled by State (para-statals) and Central (Eg. JNNURM) schemes; in-transparency in decision making, except only when involving genuine defense and security issues, must become history; executive officials, elected representatives and judicial members must be personally accountable to their decisions; public projects must only be financed if they have been legitimately subscribed to in the proposal of the District Planning Committee as required in the Constitutional 73rd (Panchayat Raj) and 74th (Nagarpalika) Amendments (thus projects like Commonwealth Games, Metro, airport developments, etc. cannot be foisted on the public by surprise, as reactionary measures and as political legacy initiatives); implementation of public projects and schemes must mainly be undertaken by elected local governments, with State and Central agencies playing supportive and guiding roles; all departmental financing and expenditure details must be publicly accessible by regular quarterly reporting and made available suo moto online.
Similarly, all corporate bodies must become subject to the provisions of the Right to Information Act, a privilege now limited to shareholders and members under the applicable laws.
Now these are measures that cannot be implemented through popular uprisings and movements. Instead they can only be practised through systemic engagement with public administration. This kind of change does not rely on an informed public (such as the ones trained in schools and colleges) but more on an involved public (those with an innate understanding of the true nature and moral underpinnings of public governance). Equally important is the need for deep rooted awareness that the exercise of adult franchise must be followed by systematic and regular engagement with all public officials and authorities to ensure promises are delivered and defined tasks implemented genuinely.
Nothing less can work in ensuring the festering wounds of the maladies of governance in India, evident through the scandalous scale of corrupt practices being revealed almost everyday, will become a thing of the past. It is only with such deliberate and involved engagement with governance that we will be able to ensure that the need for "Swiss" accounts are unnecessary. For no bureaucrat, contractor, politician, corporate honcho, etc. can accumulate so much slush wealth and have the need to hide that overseas in secret and tax free havens.
Leo F. Saldanha is a researcher and active campaigner on environmental and social justice issues in India. He coordinates Environment Support Group , a not for profit public interest research, training, campaign and advocacy initiative.
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