Defining
Moment Of Dalit Empowerment In Uttar-Pradesh
By Vidya Bhushan Rawat
12 May, 2007
Countercurrents.org
It
was May 2002 when I was on a Padyatra in Bundelkhand. After nearly 10
days of the yatra, we were in a tribal village of Kols who were threatened
by the forest department and police officials every time they tilled
their land. The day we reached this tiny village on the track of the
mighty Indian Railways, the political wind in Lucknow was changing and
news of Mayawati's assuming charge of Uttar-Pradesh became clear. There
was jubilation in the village. The whole night, the Kols, their men
and women both, danced and sang in the loudest possible voice. When
I asked them whether they do not fear the police now. 'No', said an
elderly man, 'now with Mayawati at the helm of affair in Uttar-Pradesh,
no body can touch us'.
That was the power of Mayawati
that the Dalits and MBCs felt safe and secure in the otherwise adverse
administrative environment of Uttar-Pradesh. And soon after Mayawati's
resigned and Mulayam Singh Yadav cobbled a majority with the help of
BJP, I got a phone call from a Chamar family in Faizabad district. The
landless family had been granted a house under the Indira Awas Yojana.
The Kurmis, the powerful landowning backward community and traditionally
with high anti dalit feeling, used the change in political power in
Lucknow to terrorize the Chamar family and hence the entire community
was living in constant fear. Even the women Sarpanch who happened to
be a Dalit was assaulted. We went to meet a Minister in Lucknow who
was once upon a time very close comrade of Late Kanshi Ram. The minister's
first question to the community was ' whether they voted him?' Though
he wrote a letter to the local officer yet the Minister knew it well
where the community loyalty were and hence we was not very keen on helping
them.
Today, Mayawati and her Bahujan
Samaj Party have got a decisive mandate in Uttar-Pradesh. It was one
of the fairest polls in Uttar-Pradesh where the voter voted with out
any fear. Bahujan Samaj Party got 206 seats out of 402, clear mandate
from the voters of Uttar-Pradesh. The pollsters have been predicting
that BSP would emerge single largest party and Malayam Singh Yadav and
his cronies were thinking that they would still be able to manipulate
the things. Uttar-Pradesh's poll results have proved every body wrong.
The thing is that these pollsters wanted BJP to get stronger not because
of their love for Hindutva but for their corporate connections. BJP
got legitimacy by the media because of its media linkages and strong
corporate connections. It was difficult for them to ignore but the voters
have proved every one of them widely wrong and one only hope that they
would not try to influence the result. It is also proved that these
opinion polls may change the heart of upper caste English speaking people,
they seldom change the mind and determination of Dalits. Dalits and
Muslims have developed their own communal network of understanding and
rarely do they depend on media analysis for who to vote particularly
in Uttar-Pradesh, which is definitely a better sign of maturity.
It is a Vote against
India Shining
In 2004, the National Democratic
Alliance lost power because of the 'India Shining' campaign. Chandra
Babu Naidu lost in Andhra Pradesh, S.M.Krishna lost in Karnatka, Amrinder
Singh in Punjab and N D Tiwari in Uttarakhand. Even in Delhi Shiela
Dixit led Congress had to face defeat. Mulayam Singh Yadav went to poll
with slogan ' UP main hai dum, kyonki aparadh yahan hai kam', a slogan
coined by one of the 'friends' of Mulayam Singh, Mr Amitabh Bachchan.
Bachchan and his advisers felt that they can sale anything. It was shameful
that Amitabh Bachchan felt that Uttar-Pradesh was a place worth living
because there was no crime here, when hundreds of children went missing
in Nithari and kidnapping and ransom became the order of the day. Mr
Amar Singh would come and give the journalist the other document about
Delhi and other parts of the country. Since Amar Singh and his friends
have glamour connections they thought that in this market everything
is saleable. Amitabh Bachchan must realize that he is as mortal as any
one else and hence should stop playing dirty politics in Uttar-Pradesh
as people are simply not impressed with his shrewd manipulations.
It is shameful to call Yadav
as son of the farmer when the farmers were facing difficulties. The
most fertile land of Dadri was sold at the throw away price to friend
Anil Ambani. New malls were being promoted and Amar Singh was providing
glamour from Bollywood to Mulayam Singh Yadav. There was no electricity
in the villages. Mulyam thought that he would dole out money to the
rural folks and they would in turn vote him. He declared unemployment
allowance. There was Kanya Vidya Dhan where he gave Rs 20,000/- to every
girl who passed intermediate, though the amount never reached the needy
people. Mulayam felt that Muslims have no choice except him. Despite
the fact that goons have got their freedom and criminals were made ministers,
Mulayam and his friends felt that people don't understand politics.
His anti Dalit postures and placating the upper castes at the cost of
Dalits were so powerful that those who do not subscribe to Mayawati's
politics of appeasing Brahmins were willing to bet for Mayawati as a
better administrator .
Rejection of narrow
caste based Parties
Most of the small time political
parties in Uttar-Pradesh have been decimated. People like Sone Lal Patel
who thought the Kurmis would be behind him lost them. Beni Prasad Varma
lost from Ayodhya and in the domain of Dadua, two Brahmin candidate
of the BSP won the seat. The Rajbhar party of Om Prakash Yadav too lost.
This party used to ask its cadre to remove Dr Ambedkar's portrait and
put Raja Sohail Dev in their houses as if Sohail Dev fought for social
justice.
Haji Yaqoob won from Sardhana
and he comes from the BSP background. The problem is that all the political
fronts that were created in the later stage had one problem. Their sheer
anti Chamar posturing. It was felt that since the BSP is a party led
by Mayawati, it is automatically dominated by the Chamars hence there
is a need for other groups to have similar experiment. Those who do
think in these lines forget some important aspect of the Chamar-Jatav
experience of BSP. Chamars have been a politically mobile community.
It understood the importance of political empowerment, the message of
Baba Saheb Ambedkar. Chamar is the only community, which took BSP's
political empowerment as a mission. Not only did they stood rock solid
behind Mayawati but also ensured that the networking of communities
go beyond their own community. Kanshi Ram had promoted some of the most
unrepresented communities in BSP giving him total loyalty from these
communities. One need to understand and appreciate that BSP did not
just win with just Muslim-Chamar-Brahmin vote. The fact is a large number
of other communities particularly the MBCs also voted for the party.
While the smaller parties could rarely make their agenda broader. Can
any agenda be there on anti Ambedkar platform? Ambedkar is the essential
component of any party of India, which claim to work for the Dalits
and the marginalized. To equate Sardar Patel (as Sone Pal Patel did),
or Suhail Dev in the case of Om Prakash Rajbhar's Rastriya Vikas Party,
with Ambedkar ignoring the great legacy of Baba Saheb and his tireless
work for the marginalized. Can we really say that Sardar and Sohail
Dev had that much of commitment for the poor. Sone Lal Patel was ready
to give ticket to Bablu Srivastava and Abu Salem. Glorifying every one
who is not an upper caste would not work and failed. These parties did
not have any perception and want to ally with any one who can give them
space and legitimacy. Result was that Rajbhar went and broke with Congress
while Patel fought with BJP-JDU. The small caste based political parties
actually failed to mobiles people. Their focus was too narrow and on
their own caste. They did not make proper alliance. The political leaders
heading these parties are not less autocratic than Mayawati. There was
no effort from their side to reach different caste segments. Many of
them felt that just waving hands and organizing public meeting at the
eleventh hour would work but BSP's strength was the work of its 'missionary'
workers.
Survival of the fittest
Secondly, the upper castes also knew well that their future lies with
BSP. That is also the danger whether Mayawati would be able to deal
with the problems that the Dalits face in the village. Whether the conflict
would be lesser. It is no doubt that in the past the agrarian communities
were at the logger heads with the Dalits as their common interest on
land and agriculture clash yet it would be absolutely cynical to conclude
that Dalits and Brahmins make natural alliance and that their interest
clash with shudra communities. One must understand that in UP it is
the power conflict and that some of the backward communities might have
gained after the Zamindari Abolition and post Mandal some of the politically
mobile backward communities came in close cooperation with the Kshatriya
communities and might have involved in hitting the Dalits but the condition
and isolation of communities like Rajbhars, Nishads, Kashyaps, Nais,
Gonds is similar to that of the Dalits. It is also a misgiving that
Brahmins are marginalized like Chamars. How can a community which was
oppressor and other which was at the receiving end could be put with
in a bracket? Second, even during the post mandal era, Brahmins were
never marginalized. Those who thought that Narsimha Rao was the last
Brahmin prime minister have to eat up their word with Atal Bihari Vajpayee
taking over BJP's command. In fact, one thing that went against Lal
Krishna Advani was his being a non-Brahmin otherwise, what is the difference
between Advani and Vajpayee? Both great friends and presided over a
regime where minorities felt deeply neglected and frightened. Both were
equally communal but Vajpayee was always made as if he is different
than Advani.
Brahmins will never be marginalized
in India as long as India remains confine to brahmanical wisdom and
its communities continue to prostrate to inefficient and cruel gods.
The Brahmin bureaucracy is high and mighty. Most of the newspapers and
magazines have not only Brahmin editors but also reporters and copy
editors. The gap between the Brahmins and non-Brahmins is too high to
be narrated hence to say that Brahmins have suddenly changed would be
reading too much in the verdict.
No doubt the Brahmins have
come along with Mayawati after she offered them handsome number of tickets.
It is also important to understand that coming along with Mayawati was
the only option for them as Hindutva agenda was becoming too futile
for every one. More than that, with in the Hindutva, Rajnath Singh and
then Yogi Aditya Nath, both Thakurs, allegedly supported the parochial
caste interests. Most of the ticket that Aditya Nath got in the BJP
went to the Thakurs hence the Brahmins were disgusted. Mulayam Singh
Yadav, though, played Brahmin card, yet the community felt he was too
close to the Thakurs, a rival community. The upsurge of the Brahmins
have come from the fact that during the post Mandal political alliance
MAJGR ( Muslim, Ahir, Jat, Gujar and Rajput) actually marginalized the
Brahmins. Therefore, Brahmins were in a look for a solid alliance, which
could revive their fortune.
To say that this alliance
would be easily replicated elsewhere would be too simplistic. Such alliance
may not work in UP in future also leave alone in states like Madhya
Pradesh, Maharastra, Gujarat, Rajasthan or Haryana. UP verdict was a
clear vote against Mulayam Singh Yadav and his jungle Raj. Secondly,
the vote was too low and only the 'missionaries' votes ensured BSP won.
The party had meticulously planned its strategies, which resulted in
its success.
Secondly, Brahmins never
hurt directly. It is the institutionalization of the caste system that
we are opposed to and not an individual. Yet, things may not change
in UP as long as you are asked to represent your caste. The Brahmins
and other upper castes have joined BSP to save their interest and not
left their caste philosophy of Hindutva. One only hopes that Mayawati
would not compromise with the interest of the Dalits and take strong
action against the cases of violence against the Dalits in the state.
Politicisation is
the key to empowerment
I have always held the view
that politicization is the key to Dalit empowerment. The NGOs might
work to claim the legacy of Ambedkarite movement; it is ironical that
it is Uttar-Pradesh and Bihar, which are the guiding destiny of the
Dalit movement in India. While funds to support the 'Dalit movement'
coming in the southern part of India, people claiming to 'end caste
system' in certain pockets of north India, copies of 'great work' being
shown to international donor agencies, the fact remain, it is the Dalit
of Uttar-Pradesh who has taken it as task of mission. The political
empowerment of the Dalits in Uttar-Pradesh is a result out of Ambedkarite
understanding. It is the Jatavs and Chamars of Agra who were quick to
leave their work and become part of Dr Ambedkar's movement. It is this
Ambedkarite legacy coupled with Buddhist understanding that this community
was able to change the fortune of the Dalit movement in India.
BSP is not Dalit movement
yet it is the only political party of Ambedkarite legacy. All other
political outfits today are unable to understand the vacuum among the
political parties. Mayawati remain the only serious contender for that
and that is why the Dalits are solidly behind her ignoring her own record
of corruption.
Dalits have to forge alliances
elsewhere but more than it need committed missionaries to take the movement
further. BSP is a political outfit and may have to make many compromises
but the movement has to continue to make its presence felt, to pressurize
the political class to be careful, to guide even the political forces
to take the right path.
Hindutva punctured
: UP's mandate makes us proud
Finally, the electoral mandate
in Uttar-Pradesh makes us proud for two things. One that the people
have rejected the shining brigade and want the political leaders to
concentrate on the basic issues. Second, it will definitely give a boost
to those working for the empowerment of Dalits whether they agree or
differ with Mayawati's style of functioning, as this is a real opportunity
for her to prove. Thirdly, the total decimation of the Hindutva and
its top class leadership. The results in Uttarakhand and Punjab and
later in Delhi gave us nightmare of Hindtuva's uninterrupted march to
Delhi. Now, the results in Uttar-Pradesh have sent the Hindutva hardliners
to graveyards. Hindutva and its communal agenda can only be defeated
by an enlightened Dalit Bahujan confederation along with truly secular
rationalists. Those who want to call themselves secular and still promote
irrational practices cannot be called secular. A popular icon's flirtation
with rituals and religiosity cannot make him secular, as Mulayam wanted
us to believe. Mayawati need to understand that flirtation with Hindutva
proved expensive for her in the past. She should remain careful in further
approach and deal with such forces ruthlessly. She should not allow
Uttar-Pradesh to become an experimenting ground for the thugs of Hindutva
whose hate campaign against the Muslims did not work. We all know that
how the Hindutva's gang operated and tried to vitiate the atmosphere
in the entire state. The best practice of the upper caste is that if
you cannot conquer some one just co-opt him. Mayawati should send out
clear message of her priority of good governance and her commitment
to social justice. One welcome the victory of over 14% Muslims in UP
Assembly from all the parties. This shows that a rainbow coalition in
UP of the Dalits, marginalized and minorities is a functioning reality
in the villages and those who want to break it for narrow political
purposes would bite dust in Uttar-Pradesh.
Though BSP had rarely come
out in open against the economic policies or on the issue of reservation,
it is important that the party does not compromise on these issues.
Already, the courts in India are playing the dirty games of spoiling
everything that is meant for social justice. The land reform has been
made redundant by continuous litigations in the court. The political
participation of the Dalits and marginalized is under the threat and
various cases are there against top political leadership.
Significance of power
in Lucknow
The assumption of power of
the largest state has significance for the Dalits and Marginalised all
over the country. Yet, unless great work is done by those in power,
they remain mere symbolic. Mayawati has used these symbols to spread
her base. Those have been important milestones, now at the fourth term;
she need to define her economic and social agenda and must move beyond
symbols. Land Reform is long over due and that need to be vigorously
implemented apart from that there must be quota for the MBCs. She must
implement the Ambedkargaon scheme and bring drastic change in the already
crippled educational mess in Uttar-Pradesh. In her earlier stints she
did not have majority, now with enough MLAs on her side, she need to
build Uttar-Pradesh and turn it to an enlightened Pradesh. The country
is waiting this transformation of power in this state, which could turn
out a role model state for others, but it depends on how she handles
it. Whether she would be able to annoy her newfound allies in the form
of Brahmins? How this contradiction is managed will be seen in the coming
days. Meanwhile, the struggling masses of Dalits and other marginalized
must not remain satisfied with this as their becoming mute would give
ample space to political leadership to manipulate. The time of Ambedkarite
pressure group has now come. It must work as a link between the aspiration
of Dalit masses and the duties of a Dalit political leadership. Today,
with the Chief Justice of India at the top judiciary, with a chief of
University Grants Commission and with a member in Planning Commission
and other number of dignitaries, Dalits Empowerment is here to stay
yet a large number of those who are still far away from basic amenities
of life, Mayawati's ascendance brings hope. A hope that she would change
the power equations that hurt Dalits and provide social and economic
security to all. That Behenjee would reason first before giving any
approval to private corporations, builders, mafias who want UP to 'shine'
at the cost of its poor Dalit Bahujan masses. One is sure that this
government will not betray its mandate that people of Uttar-Pradesh
has given to it. Let us hope that she will keep these in mind before
proceeding to Dadari and other such projects, which were granted out
of personal loyalty by the previous government. Let us hope that Mayawati
will remain committed to the ideas of her idols like Baba Saheb, Sri
Narayanguru, Periyar and Chhatripati Shahuji Maharaj. Hope she would
not erect a Ganesha in between to placate the Brahmins. The struggle
of the Dalits for dignity and self-respect was based on their right
against the brahmanical forces and irrationality of the caste system.
One only hopes that this rich legacy would not be lost in the din of
'empowerment' in Lucknow.
Vidya Bhushan Rawat
Visit my blog at
www.manukhsi.blogspot.com
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