A Zionist Recipe
For India
By Praful Bidwai
The News International
22 May , 2003
If the Vajpayee government
wanted to court intense domestic
unpopularity on a foreign policy issue, it could not have tried
harder than it did by proposing a "core" alliance to fight
"international terrorism", centred on India, Israel and the
United
States. It has followed this extraordinarily ill-advised move with an
invitation to Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon to visit India in
the second week of June.
On May 8, India's National
Security Adviser Brajesh Mishra addressed the 97th annual dinner meeting
of the American Jewish Committee (AJC) in Washington. Present were several
US Congressmen-and Spanish prime minister Aznar, who closely competes
with Tony Blair in demonstrating a servile form of loyalty to Bush.
Mishra spoke in "admiration"
of the Zionist AJC's "pioneering work" and in "celebration"
of the "the alliance of free societies involved in combating this
scourge [terrorism]. The US, India and Israel ... face the same ugly
face of modern-day terrorism." He said: "A core, consisting
of democratic societies", must emerge, "which can take on
international terrorism in a holistic and focused manner ... [to] ensure
that the global campaign against terrorism is pursued to its logical
conclusion, and does not run out of steam, because of other preoccupations..."
The US-Israel-India "triad"
would form the core of such a
"democratic" alliance, which would have "the political
will and moral authority to take bold decisions ... and would not get
bogged down in definitional and casual arguments." Mishra underscored
the close and growing relations between the three states, which have
some "fundamental similarities": "We are all democracies,
sharing ... pluralism, tolerance and equal opportunity. Stronger India-US
relations and India-Israel relations have a natural logic." This
expands on Vajpayee's description of India and the US as "natural
allies".
Mishra attacked what he called
"diversionary arguments", in
particular the "motivatedly propagated" fallacy "that
terrorism can
only be eradicated by addressing its 'root causes'. This is
nonsense." This articulates the Israeli government's well-known
approach, which disconnects "terrorism" from the occupation
of
Palestinian territory, and uses purely military means.
Mishra's AJC speech comes
on top of growing Indo-Israel
political-military contacts since the two established full-scale
diplomatic relations in 1992, and especially under Bharatiya Janata
Party rule in the late 1990s. In 1999, Mishra visited Israel and met
Ehud Barak. Next year, home minister LK Advani and foreign minister
Jaswant Singh visited Israel. Israel and India have since "cooperated"
in intelligence-sharing and "counter-insurgency" operations.
India has become a major
buyer of Israeli armaments. It has been
trying to purchase the "Arrow" anti-missile system in whose
development SY Coleman, a firm headed by Lt Gen Jay Garner (yes, of
Iraq fame!), was critically involved.
The pro-BJP non-resident
Indian lobby in the US works closely with the AJC-the single most powerful
advocacy group in America, with connections in the Pentagon, the defence
industry, Capitol Hill and the State Department. It helped the NRIs
build the Congressional India Caucus, with as many as 160 members-"perhaps
the largest single-country" group in the House. This link, more
than the arms deals, explains the ardour with which the Vajpayee government
is embracing Likud-ruled Israel.
In some respects, the "triad"
proposal marks a qualitative jump over the past. It could not have come
at a worse time so far as Indian public opinion goes. This is strongly
opposed to Israel's occupation and brutal repression of Palestinians.
Indians are not anti-Semitic, but they are critical of Israel and support
the cause of Palestinian statehood. For them, Yasser Arafat of the pre-Oslo
Accords period was something of a hero.
The Indian public is appalled
at the "triad" proposal's timing, which coincides with the
launching of a major US offensive in West Asia. Globally, Israel today
is more isolated than ever before. It is doubtful if any European Union
member would want to invite Sharon after his rejection even of the "Road
Map" to a settlement of the Palestine-Israel conflict, first proposed
by Bush last June.
This document, since revised
and published by the state department, is remarkably partial to Israel
and imposes harsh obligations upon the Palestinians, including an "immediate
and unconditional ceasefire to end ... all acts of violence against
Israelis anywhere." But in the first phase, it only asks Israel
to dismantle settlement outposts erected since March 2001 and freeze
settlement activity. Israel's opposition has impelled even PA moderates
such as Saeb Erekat to resign.
The "Road Map"
follows the collapse of the Oslo Accords thanks to Israeli intransigence
and the Palestinian people's resistance-despite the Arafat leadership's
willingness to implement them. But like Oslo, the "Road Map"
envisages "a final settlement" which will give nominal statehood
to Palestine, but subordinate it politically, economically and militarily
to Israel through a Bantustan-type solution.
Israel would control "security"
(ie militarily dominate occupied
territories and all entry and exit points), water, and movement of
people. Palestine won't have an independent army, nor even contiguous
territory. Israel won't have to own up its horrific culpability for
the pillage of Palestinian land and property, nor for the post-1967
illegal occupation.
This solution mocks at any
notion of a just and honourable peace. To force it through, the US must
"discipline" Syria and Iran (now that Iraq has fallen), and
divide and coerce the PA's leadership. It is already moving in that
direction by threatening Syria and foisting Mahmoud Abbas (alias Abu
Mazen) on the PA to counter Arafat. Sharon has not only met Abu Mazen,
he has decided to spurn leaders who do business with Arafat.
Most Indian political parties
will strongly oppose inviting Sharon.
The Congress has condemned the "triad" proposal as "strange
and perverse", and as arising from the BJP's "obsession"
with Israel: "It shows [the BJP's] intellectual insolvency ..."
It has also stressed India's commitment to the Palestinian cause and
recalled Non-Aligned Movement resolutions. The Samajwadi Party's Amar
Singh says: "Mishra should have refrained from making such blatant
statements which go against the proclaimed policy of NAM." And
the Communists have accused the government of having "completely
sold themselves out to
the US. It is overturning our foreign policy. It is very dangerous."
The sangh parivar indeed
has an acute Israel obsession. It is
fascinated by the highly militarised nature of Israeli society and by
its state's willingness to use massive force against the Palestinian
people whom it sees as terrorism-prone and sub-human, pure and simple.
This parallels what the parivar would like to do to India's minorities.
Establishing full relations
with Israel was always a distinctive part
of the Jana Sangh-BJP's agenda. Indeed, when RSS chief Balasaheb Deoras
was asked in late 1991, ie after India's turn towards neoliberalism,
what is the one thing he wanted from the
soft-on-the-BJP Narasimha Rao government, he unhesitatingly said: full
diplomatic relations with Israel.
The BJP's fascination with
Zionism is rooted in Islamophobia (and anti-Arabism), and hyper-nationalism.
Its ideology is Sharon's machismo and ferocious jingoism. It sees Hindus
and Jews (plus Christians) as forming a "strategic alliance"
against Islam and Confucianism.
Finally, the intellectually
bankrupt "clash of civilisations" theory,
invented by Samuel Huntington as an apology for continued US global
domination after the Cold War, has found a political taker-much to the
Indian public's misfortune.