Nepal: Two
Futures, Two Roads
By Li Onesto
23 February, 2005
Countercurrents.org
On
February 1, 2005 King Gyanendra in Nepal declared a state of emergency,
dissolved the parliament, sacked the prime minister and suspended many
constitutional rights, including freedom of the press, speech and expression,
peaceful assembly, the right to privacy, and the right against preventive
detention. All international flights to and from Kathmandu were halted
and telephone lines and internet services were blocked.
With the king's
televised declaration, armored military vehicles began patrolling the
streets of the capital city of Kathmandu and soldiers immediately started
arresting people and instituting a sweeping clampdown. Soldiers surrounded
the houses of Prime Minister Deuba, putting him under house arrest.
Other leaders of two of the main parliamentary parties, the Nepali Congress
and the Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist-Leninist), were detained
in their homes or arrested--and security forces were stationed in front
of government buildings, post offices, telecommunications centers and
the state bank. To prevent organized protests, trade union and student
leaders were also arrested. Reliable news is hard to get from Nepal
because of intense censorship, but there are reports that in the days
after the king's announcement, as many as 1,000 people were arrested.This
is a desperate move by the king, who has been unable to crush the Maoist
People's War led by the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). February
13, 2005 marks the ninth anniversary of the start of the insurgency
and the
Maoist guerrillas now control 80% of the countryside.
The World to Win
News Service pointed out: "With his attack on parliament, Gyanendra
is trying to win a certain populist appeal by pointing to the corruption
among those parties--as if he himself were not involved in all sorts
of corrupt activities and killing. It has become apparent to one and
all that society has become polarized between the Maoists and a monarchy
based on little more than the Royal Army. With the king's `self coup,'
the country has entered what Prachanda [head of the CPN (Maoist)] called
`a turning point, a decisive battle between autocracy and republic.'
"The day after his declaration Gyanendra announced a new 10-member
Cabinet made up of his supporters. The king's new foreign minister said
there would be no new elections until the Maoist rebellion was ended
and predicted it could take three years before multi-party democracy
could be reintroduced.
The current king,
Gyanendra, people may remember, came to power in June 2001 after a palace
massacre in which his brother king Birendra, the queen and eight other
members of the royal family were murdered. Many people think Gyanendra
was behind this massacre and upon coming to power he sent the Royal
Nepal Army against the guerrillas for the first time.
By the end of that
year Gyanendra had declared a state of emergency, suspended constitutional
rights, and unleashed a bloody campaign against the guerrillas in which
thousands of people were killed. He has been backed by India, the United
States and the UK which have all provided political, financial and military
support. The U.S. Congress gave the king $22 million, thousands of M16s,
and has sent U.S. military personnel to train the Nepalese Army. Nepal
has been without a working parliament for over two years. At the end
of 2002 Gyanendra grabbed complete power, disbanded the parliament,
and appointed his own prime minister. Later, in 2004 he was forced to
give some power back to the parliamentary forces. But he has now grabbed
complete power once again.It was reported that only hours after the
King's speech, in the western town of Pokhara, stone-throwing students
clashed with the police, driving them away from the campus twice over
the course of several hours. At least 15 people were injured when the
police fired on the protest, and many were also beaten when the police
dispersed the crowd. Nepal's national human rights commission also reported
that the same night the army raided a student hostel and at least 250
students were detained.
The paramilitary
police immediately began enforcing the king's ban on public gatherings.
A few days after the king's declaration they raided a meeting of about
50 members of the Nepali Congress Party, arresting all those who couldn't
escape. Nepalese and international reporters and photographers -- including
a team from The Associated Press and Associated Press Television News
-- who were covering the meeting were briefly detained and had their
digital camera disks and videotapes confiscated.
Government security
teams launched sudden inspections of the Passport Department, Land Revenue
Department, Kathmandu District Administration Office and Transport Management
Office. And the king issued an order prohibiting government employees
from setting up any kind of organizations having political affiliation.
Any such organizations that already existed have been ordered to stop
all activities "that affect the sovereignty, integrity or peace
and security of the Kingdom of Nepal." The order also authorized
the seizure of private property.Sweeping Censorship
In 2001, the last
time a state of emergency was imposed, censorship of the media was brutally
imposed-- newspaper offices were raided, editors and journalists of
the mainstream press were detained and questioned for even writing about
the Maoist insurgency. Krishna Sen, the editor of the
pro-Maoist newspaper Janadesh was arrested and later killed in custody.Now,
once again, the king has clamped down hard on the media. Nothing is
to be published that has not been authorized by the government, and
any criticism of the king's action has been banned for six months. Soldiers
were sent to literally sit in newsrooms to scrutinize stories before
they were published and soldiers and armored cars were stationed outside
some offices.The government ordered all private radio stations in Nepal
to stop broadcasting news and opinions and to air only entertainment
programs. TheFederation of Nepalese Journalists says four weekly papers
were raided to prevent their publication. The BBC reported that the
general-secretary of the Federation of Nepalese Journalists was detained.
The king's decree
bans any public comments "made directly or indirectly" about
the security forces "that is likely to have negative impact on
their morale." Violators can now be arrested and security forces
can monitor telephones, radio, fax and e-mail and other forms of electronic
communication and block them when necessary.In the days after the king's
declaration, with the crisis intensifying and swirling around them,
newspapers ended up running editorials on things like archery, the merits
of sunbathing, ballet and the importance of socks in society. As many
as 1,000 radio journalists are now jobless because their stations can
only broadcast entertainment programs.
Soldiers were deployed
at some private internet service providers to make sure they remained
disconnected. By February 10, some internet services were restored and
soldiers had been pulled back from newspaper offices. But General Dipak
K. Gurung, spokesman for the Royal Nepal Army, said this was only because
editors had "assured us there would be self-censorship." According
to one newspaper, this self-censorship came about with "some encouragement"--one
editor who spoke on conditions of anonymity said the king's press secretary
told some editors that he would not be able to help if the military
decided to "disappear" them for a few hours. Gurung said all
this was necessary to stop the publication and broadcasting of Maoist
announcements and propaganda, as well as any reports that sap the army's
morale. Referring to editors, he said, "in the name of democracy,
in the name of freedom, they really got out of control. If they are
cooperating, there's no reason they should be afraid."
As a statement issued
jointly by Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the International
Commission of Jurists pointed out, measures like suspending freedom
of the press "put the Nepalese people at even greater risk of human
rights abuses." And many others are pointing out that with this
kind of clampdown, the army, already known for widespread abuses of
human rights, will be free to carry out a reign of terror in the countryside.
Even Keith Bloomfield, the ambassador to Nepal from the
UK--which has been backing the king with financial and military support--said,
"There's a danger that anybody who's anti-king will be called a
Maoist and treated like a Maoist." The fact is, the RNA has already
been carrying out brutal and widespread human rights abuses, targetting
Maoists and anyone even suspected of being a "Maoist sympathizer,"
killing thousands, and torturing, raping, and imprisoning many more.
The new state of emergency and widespread censorship will now give the
RNA even more freedom to carry out their reign of terror in the countryside.
The Maoists have called for an indefinite blockade and traffic strike
throughout the country starting on February 13, the ninth anniversary
of the start of the People's War and a spokesman for the Communist Party
of Nepal (Maoist) ruled out any possibility of talks with the king.
As we go to press, the news on February 13 has reported that the Maoists
have begun a successful blockade of traffic across the country.
According to sources
from inside Nepal, even though the phone lines and internet were cut
off, the revolutionary forces were able to keep in contact with each
other. Five radio stations, from the People's Republic of Nepal Radio--
have continued to transmit daily programs. The pro-Maoist newspapers
have managed to keep publishing regularly through many different means.
And there are reports of successful attacks by PLA fighters against
RNA soldiers.TV stations in Nepal reported that on February 9, the Maoists
attacked a district jail in Kailali, near Kathmandu, killing five security
personnel and freeing 166 prisoners, including many imprisoned Maoists.
It was reported that the guerrillas, armed with crude bombs, broke open
the prison gates after a 90-minute firefight with the security personnel.
Responding to the
king's actions, the CPN (Maoist) issued a statement saying, "The
feudal aristocracy is responsible for the grievous situation of the
country and the people, and the time has come to throw it into the dustbin
of history. Through the class struggle of 1990 and nine years of People's
War the Nepalese masses have shown beyond a doubt that they can fulfill
their historic task of establishing a republic... Our Party forcefully
appeals to all the country's political parties, the intellectual masses,
civil society and the masses of all levels and beliefs to create a storm
of united countrywide rebellion, under the minimum common slogan of
a people's democratic republic and a constituent assembly, against this
last lunacy of the feudal clique."
Prachanda, the head
of the CPN (Maoist) has urged "pro-people forces of the world"
to oppose Gyanendra's power grab and called for "the political
forces, civil society, the intellectual community, journalists and all
levels and sections of the people to store supplies necessary for daily
consumption and support our movement by all means to make it successful."
The regime then announced that anyone buying extra food and fuel would
be arrested.
The CPN (Maoist)
has warned that the advance of the people's power toward the seizure
of political power countrywide heightens the danger of Indian expansionist
and imperialist intervention. And Prachanda's February 1 statement appealed
to "the entire pro-people forces of the world to raise their voices
against this autocratic step and in favor of the Nepalese people's democratic
movement."
The moves by the
king in Kathmandu are targeting the parliamentary parties and any others
who oppose the monarchy. But these drastic measures are first and foremost
aimed at the Maoist guerrillas who are increasingly in a position to
seize power. This became immediately clear when the king announced that
with the state of emergency, his army is launching a new and increased
offensive against the Maoists. On February 8, Reuters news agency reported
that RNA troops backed by helicopters launched attacks on Maoist camps
in the west and that dozens of Maoists had been killed near the western
city of Nepalgunj.
For years now --
even with the U.S., UK and India providing millions of dollars, helicopters,
automatic weapons, advice and training--the RNA has been unable to defeat
the Maoists. Until 2001, Royal Nepal Army soldiers numbered only 45,000.
This number has since almost doubled to around 85,000, but has still
not been able to militarily beat back the People's Liberation Army in
any real significant way. Most analysts following developments in Nepal,
including U.S. bourgeois think tanks, say "there can be no military
solution to the crisis in Nepal"-- conceding that the RNA by itself
(without any kind of outside intervention) cannot militarily defeat
the Maoists.
The strife and intractable
divisions within the Nepalese ruling class have been centered on this
problem, including over whether and how to negotiate with the Maoists.
There have already been two ceasefire periods of negotiations between
the government and the CPN (Maoist). But the Maoists' strategy is not
one of achieving military gains aimed at getting a seat at the parliamentary
table. They are carrying out a protracted People's War aimed at seizing
power and establishing a new socialist government. And a new revolutionary
government has already been established in vast areas of the countryside
where the Maoists have control.
The RNA basically
acknowledges that at this point it cannot win on the battleground and
are now saying they expect a long and bloody warfare against the Maoists,
aimed at forcing them to the negotiating table.
Gyanendra says the
first priority of his new government is "peace with the Maoists."
But what does he mean by this? Speaking to Reuters, a member of the
king's new cabinet, referring to the Maoists, said, "Will they
come to talks or not? If they do, we can move forward in a certain way.
And if they don't, we have to make another choice."
The king may hope
that by unleashing an even more brutal military campaign against the
Maoists, he can perhaps "divide and conquer" the insurgency.
Army spokesman Gurung stated, "We have to force the Maoists to
come to the negotiating table, we are looking for them. Wherever they
are we are going to launch offensive operations. We have to make them
weak. Once their military capabilities go down, their political faction
will gain the upper hand and hopefully they'll come to the negotiating
table."
But this is a big
gamble by the king that could backfire.
The Indian Express
newspaper commented, "Clearly, King Gyanendra has calculated when
it comes to a choice between the monarchy and Maoists, India and the
international community would have no option but to side with him."
But the U.S., UK and India have been very concerned about the deep splits
within the Nepalese ruling class and have been trying to get the king
and the parliamentary parties to work together in order to form a stronger
more united front against the Maoists. Now the king is only deepening
the deep chasm that has existed within Nepal's ruling class.One worried
analyst from New Delhi said of Gyanendra's move, "This is a fairly
disastrous decision, the worst possible option" that will alienate
the king from all of the nation's major political forces even as it
does
nothing to strengthen his hand against the rebels.
The parliamentary
forces in Nepal are also worried that the king's seizure of total power
will only end up strengthening the Maoists. A leader of the Nepali Congress
said, "If the king fails, it will strengthen the Maoists, which
are already a dangerous force. If he fails, it could cost his crown
because the real power will go to them. If he succeeds, this will enhance
the role of the king in favor of a stronger monarchy. With that, multiparty
democracy will be weakened."
The U.S.and India
have been providing the Nepalese government with political, financial
and military support to fight the Maoists. Neither of them, as of this
writing, have retracted any of this support or in the past really condemned
the fact that Nepal has basically been a monarchy--without elections
or any semblance of a democratic parliament since the end of 2002. It
is unclear what role the U.S., UK, or India may have had in the king's
decision to make such a drastic move. The U.S. and India have been very
involved in arming, training, and advising the RNA, and some argue it
is unlikely the king would and could have made a move like this without
the knowledge and/or support of the U.S. and India. But now the U.S.,
UK and India are all publicly condemning the king's "undemocratic"
moves--reflecting real concern that the escalating crisis could lead
to further and perhaps decisive gains by the Maoists.
Britain summoned
the Nepali ambassador in London to convey its concern. And Nepal's ambassador
to India, who said he was in regular contact with New Delhi to explain
the new government's views, said, "The government of India is very
concerned about the growing nexus between the (Nepalese) Maoists and
the Maoists in India" and that New Delhi has a vital stake in helping
quell the revolt as it is worried Maoist violence could spill into parts
of India where radical leftist groups are powerful.
A statement from
India's Ministry of External Affairs said, "The latest developments
in Nepal bring the monarchy and the mainstream political parties in
direct confrontation with each other. This can only benefit the forces
that not only wish to undermine democracy but the institution of monarchy
as well."
The New York Times
quoted C. Raja Mohan, professor of South Asian studies at Jawaharlal
Nehru University in New Delhi, who pointed out that Nepal shares a border
with China and borders three of India's largest states, all of which
are battling Marxist Naxalite insurgents, who have links to the Maoists.
"Strategically," Mohan said, "you can't get any bigger
than this."
U.S. State Department
spokesman Richard A. Boucher said the Bush administration was "deeply
troubled by the apparent step back from democracy" and demanded
an "immediate move toward the restoration of multiparty democratic
institutions." He said Gyanendra's actions "undermine the
Nepalis' struggle with the Maoist insurgency, which is a very serious
challenge to a peaceful and prosperous future for Nepal."
U.S. officials have
acknowledged that RNA soldiers are carrying out human rights abuses
but have justified U.S. aid on the grounds that without it, the Maoists
might win and Nepal could join the roster of "failed states hospitable
to terrorists." The CPN (Maoist) has been put on the U.S.'s official
"terrorist list"--even though it is clear the Maoists in Nepal
have nothing whatsoever in common with "terrorist" politics,
tactics and strategy. And the U.S. has made it clear that the Maoists
cannot be allowed to come to power in Nepal--that this kind of "regime
change" is against the interests of U.S. imperialism.
*****
The situation continues
to intensify in Nepal, with two futures posing themselves very sharply--on
the one side, the brutal monarchy and a whole oppressive and corrupt
system; and on the other side, the People's War which is struggling
to liberate Nepal from the grip of foreign domination and establish
a new revolutionary government. This situation places a great demand
on all progressive people of the world--to oppose the murderous moves
by the King, expose the role of the U.S. in backing the efforts of the
Nepalese ruling class to crush the insurgency, and protest any further
intervention by the U.S., UK, India, or any other power, aimed against
the People's War.
*****
L Onesto
is a writer for the Revolutionary Worker newspaper. In 1999, she traveled
deep into the guerrilla zones of Nepal and interviewed political leaders,
guerrilla fighters, villagers in areas under Maoist control, and relatives
of those killed by government forces. Her new book, Dispatches from
the People's War in Nepal (Pluto Press and Insight Press), is available
at amazon.com.