Death
Penalty: Night Editors
Word Of Caution
By Jawed Naqvi
25 November, 2006
Combat
Law
Journalism
is not about Marxism as such but there is an old Marxist precept that
all young reporters were once taught to respect regardless of their
editor’s ideological preferences. “Doubt everything.”
This was what Karl Marx had told an American journalist who asked him
to spell out his life’s motto. It was in a similar spirit that
cub reporters were encouraged to balance the official story in a police
case, for example, with the cautionary words “alleged”,
“suspected”, “claimed to be” and so on. In other
words, the police version of an incident was deemed potentially one-sided,
if not outright suspect, in the eyes of the concerned beat reporter.
And it was usually left to the courts to divine the truth, to the extent
any court can, and that was the end of the story. It is another matter
of course that the principle of doubt should also apply with equal force
to the perceived errors of omission and commission by the judiciary
too.
Professor Nirmalangshu Mukherjee
of the philosophy department in Delhi University, in his book about
the attack on India’s British-built parliament House and the ensuing
mistrial of the accused has identified dozens of examples where irresponsible,
often motivated, reporting became the bane of four or five Kashmiri
Muslims and their families after they were named in the case. The reporters
not only did not question the police account in the parliament story
but actually helped fuel the myth that each one of the accused was a
terrorist or an accomplice in the crime. It was thus that MohammedAfzal
Guru was forced to “confess” to his alleged crime before
themedia while in police custody. That the superior courts eventually
threw out the so-called TV scoop as legally untenable was an important
correction, but it came too late to be of much use for those whose lives
were blackened by the reporters’ tar brush.
Sometimes though a few well
meaning journalists do however feel nudged by their conscience and they
do on occasions show respect to the original tenets of their profession.
And when they do kindle the questioning spirit of yore the results are
invariably positive. Recently, when the police in Mysore claimed to
have foiled a terror plot with the arrest of two suspected Pakistanis
in an encounter, one or two newspapers also ran a small story alongside
in which the landlady of one of the accused was quoted as questioning
the police version.
In these times of communal
innuendo it must be stressed that the landlady is/was a Hindu. According
to her account, the alleged Pakistani terrorists were picked up a fortnight
ago by plainclothes policemen from her house. So who is telling the
truth? The police case is obviously suspect and they have to try very
hard to prove that the men were arrested on that very morning.
The Indian Express also reported
recently that the vice chancellor of Kashmir University in Srinagar
found himself questioning the police account concerning the Delhi blasts
during last year’s Diwali. In a challenge to the official theory,
the vice chancellor was quoted as stating officially that the key accused
was present in the college on the day the crime was supposed to have
been committed at three or fourvulnerable busy places in faraway Delhi.
Likewise with the Mumbai
trains blasts. The police chief there was allowed by the media to get
away with the story that the culprits in the July terror attack on packed
trains had all been arrested. It was claimed that the case was all nicely
sewn up and the accused had owned up to their crime. They too were linked
to Pakistan. The prime minister, the foreign secretary and practically
everyone was thus misled into believing that the Mumbai police commissioner
had done the impossible. He had the case thoroughly worked out, leaving
no room forany doubt whatsoever. But then seven of the accused, still
in police custody and therefore prone to coercion, issued a statement
that theyhad not made any such confession to the police or to anyone
else.
One of the consequences of having an increasingly unquestioning and
occasionally prejudiced media is that it begins to provide succour to
Rightwing forces. That’s how a petty traders’ campaign against
alleged government atrocities in Delhi was able to communalise the platform,
thus handling direct benefit
to the Bharatiya Janata Party. “Afzal ko azadi, vyapariyon ko
phaansi.” (Free Mohammed Afzal Guru from his death sentence and
hang the traders) The campaigners mocked the Congress government. Of
course, an even more intricate link exists between the media and the
diplomacy. We may frown at embedded American journalists in Iraq, but
we hardly have a leg to stand on when we consider our own culpability.
Under the circumstances,
one of the remarkable things about Indian diplomacy is that a key strategist
in the complex of skein of the country’s anti-terror engagements
with Pakistan is a former police officer. It must have been really tough
for the foreign ministry cadre, often seen as government ‘brahmins,’
to accept it when MK Narayanan, the former head of the Intelligence
Bureau, was named to succeed former diplomat JN Dixit when he died in
harness as national security advisor. It was good that the critique
of the Mumbai police commissioner’s overreaching explanation for
the Mumbai blasts came from Narayanan. And what did Narayanan say, which
others could not, would not?
He said in an interview that
there was “no clinching evidence” in the Mumbai case although
there were strong circumstantial suggestions that the police version
was not entirely untenable. Such forthrightness could not be expected
of anyone other than a police officer, the only ones who are familiar
with the filibuster that usually accompanies high profile crime cases.
India’s case against Pakistan on the terror issue will be watched
closely for the credibility, not so much for the role the diplomats
would play, but by the standards set by people like Narayanan for a
transparent dialogue. This is what Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has
said he wants out of the anti-terror joint mechanism. Unfortunately
words of caution like ‘alleged’, ‘suspected’
and so on seem to have gone out of fashion within the media, even more
so since the world embarked on the American-led war on terrorism. Now
only Pakistani terrorists are arrested not alleged Pakistani terrorists.
The tendency to ply the police
version has landed both the media and the judiciary in quite a soup
in recent months.The three most outstanding examples have come from
the media itself. The cases of Jessica Lal, Priyadarshini Mattoo, and
Nitish Katara have found the media rowing back from their initial culpability
in colluding with wayward police accounts. The conviction of Mattoo’s
killer has shown that the judiciary is willing to apply corrections
when the people’s sense of justice is outraged.
The flip side of unquestioning
reporting shows grim possibilities for the nation and its citizens.
It was after all a major element in the nuclear sabre-rattling that
lasted an entire year between India and Pakistan after the parliament
attack.
As they prepare to meet later
this month to discuss a potentially purposeful anti-terror mechanism,
it would be useful for the Indian and pakistani foreign secretaries
and their teammates to keep away from the pitfalls of hasty conclusions,
a normal risk when the night editor’s word of advice is ignored.
The writer is a Delhi-based
senior journalist
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