Scavenging: Nations Shame
social, cultural and economic realities of modern India unfold a series
of paradoxes. While a parliamentary law bans the manual scavenging and
the government approves projects to wean the underprivileged section
away from this dehumanising occupation, cruel caste apartheid and brutalising
poverty perpetuate the practice. Furthermore, neo-liberal economic policies
restrict alternative possibilities of having a dignified livelihood.
‘manual scavenging’ describes the daily work of manually
cleaning and removing human faeces from dry (non-flush) latrines across
India. Workers, mostly women and young boys, are also referred to as
‘night soil workers’, a Victorian euphemism that hides the
repugnance of the word ‘shit’. In India, manual scavenging
is a caste-based occupation carried out by dalits. The manual scavengers
have different caste names in different parts of the country: bhangis
in Gujarat, pakhis in Andhra Pradesh, and sikkaliars in Tamil Nadu.
These communities are invariably placed at the bottom of caste hierarchy,
as well as of dalit sub-caste hierarchy. Using a broom, a tin plate
and a drum, they clear and carry human excreta from public and private
latrines, more often on their heads, to dumping grounds and disposal
Though considered illegal, manual scavenging is forced onto dalits by
earn anywhere between Rs 20 to Rs 160 a month and are exposed to the
most virulent forms of viral and bacterial infections that affect their
skin, eyes, limbs, respiratory and gastrointestinal systems. Official
figures show that there are still 3.43 lakh scavengers in the country.
A 2002 report prepared by the International Dalit Solidarity Network,
including Human Rights Watch (United States), Navsarjan, (Ahmedabad,
Gujarat), and the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR), gave
estimates of one million dalit manual scavengers in India.
ActionAid India’s random survey in 2002 of six states, Madhya
Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Orissa, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan and Bihar,
claimed that manual scavengers were found in at least 30,000 dry toilets.
The scavengers belong to the valmiki community and its sub-sects—badhai,
charmkar, barguda and bherva. The survey found that the scavengers face
severe discrimination even from other dalits. Teashop owners in some
villages still keep separate, often broken, utensils to serve valmikis.
commission for safai karamcharis, a statutory body, pointed in its reports
to the use of dry latrines and continued employment of manual scavengers
by various departments of the Union of India, particularly the railways,
the department of defence and the ministry of industry. While states
like Haryana deny employing manual scavengers, other states like Andhra
Pradesh employ them through municipalities. The practice is on in almost
all states, including Bihar, Maharashtra, Jammu & Kashmir and even
Delhi. The Indian railways is one of the largest employers of manual
raised the issue of the horrible working and social conditions of bhangis
more than 100 years ago in 1901 at the Congress meeting in Bengal. Yet
it took about 90 years for the country to enact a uniform law abolishing
manual scavenging. The Employment of Manual Scavengers and Construction
of Dry Latrines (Prohibition) Act, 1993 punishes the employment of scavengers
or the construction of dry (non-flush) latrines with imprisonment for
up to one year and/or a fine of Rs 2,000. Offenders are also liable
to prosecution under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention
of Atrocities) Act, 1989. This Act to eradicate a pernicious practice
that only dalits were subjected to, aims at restoring the dignity of
the individual as enshrined in the Preamble to the Constitution.
high prevalence of the illegal practice, the government launched a national
scheme in 1992 for identifying, training, and rehabilitating safai karamcharis
and allotted substantial funds for this purpose. However, only a handful
of scavengers benefited, and the scheme’s failure is evident in
that there remain more than one million manual scavengers in India.
The Act, first enforced in Andhra Pradesh, Goa, Karnataka, Maharashtra,
Tripura, West Bengal and all the union territories, made it obligatory
to convert dry latrines into water-seal latrines (pour-flush latrines).
It was expected that the other states would adopt the Act by passing
an appropriate resolution in the legislature under Article 252 of the
A petition filed in the Supreme Court in 2003 pointed out that the practice
persists in many states of the country, and particularly in public sectors
like the Indian railways. The petitioners sought the enforcement of
fundamental right of persons engaged in this practice guaranteed under
Article 17 (right against untouchability) read with Articles 14, 19
and 21, that guarantee equality, freedom, and protection of life and
personal liberty, respectively. They urged the Supreme Court to issue
time-bound directions to the Union of India and the various states to
take effective steps to eliminate the practice of manual scavenging,
and to formulate and implement comprehensive plans for rehabilitation
of all persons employed as manual scavengers.
As the hearing
of a public interest petition filed by the safai karamchari andolan,
six associated organisations and seven individual manual scavengers,
in the Supreme Court has revealed, the number of manual scavengers has
increased from 5.88 lakhs in 1992 to 7.87 lakhs. Unofficial surveys
estimate that over 12 lakh manual scavengers, of whom 95 percent are
dalits, are thrust with the task of this ‘traditional occupation’.
They are considered untouchables by the higher castes and are caught
in a vortex of severe social and economic exploitation.
During the recent hearing of the case the Supreme Court issued an interim
order directing every department/ministry of central and state governments
to file an affidavit within six months through a senior officer who
would take personal responsibility for verifying the facts. If the affidavit
proclaims manual scavenging in a particular department, or public sector
undertaking or corporation, then it should indicate a time-bound programme
with targets for liberating and rehabilitating all manual scavengers.
The court warned the governments against making false statements in
these affidavits. The interim order was an expression of the court’s
impatience with dilatory and insensitive responses from various states
and the Centre to the petition.
The railways, in its affidavit, admitted that there are approximately
30,000 passenger coaches fitted with open-discharge toilets. The affidavit
stated: “A proposal to fit totally sealed toilet systems is also
under consideration and various technologies, e.g. biological/vacuum/filtration,
etc, shall be tried out. However, no firm dates/time frame can be given
for introduction of such system at this stage.” The railways claimed
that without facilities to make platform tracks concrete and provide
washable aprons at all important stations, on track manual scavenging
cannot be eradicated. The railways is perhaps the biggest violator of
the Act; yet none of the railway ministers has thought it necessary
to allocate railway budget funds to implement the Act.
to the national commission for safai karamcharis, progress “has
not been altogether satisfactory” and benefited only “a
handful of these workers and their dependents. One of the reasons for
unsatisfactory progress of the scheme appears to be inadequate attention
paid to it by the state governments and concerned agencies.” State
governments often deny the claim and cite lack of water supply as preventing
the construction of flush latrines. This despite the sum of Rs 4,640
lakh (US$116 million) allocated to the scheme under the government’s
eighth five-year plan. Activists claim that the resources, including
government funds, for construction and rehabilitation exist; what is
lacking is political will. Members of the national commission for safai
karamcharis consider it imperative that the commission be “vested
with similar powers and facilities as are available to the national
commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.” Currently,
the commission has only advisory powers and it has no authority to summon
or monitor cases.
class has failed to exert any will in acknowledging the gravity of the
situation and its own duty to eradicate it. Even the central government
pleaded lack of resources in failing to implement the law effectively.
The judiciary, however, has taken exception to the fact that money was
squandered, but yet at the ground level there are no results.
is a freelance journalist based in Delhi
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