Minority
Judgement
By Nasiruddin Haider
Khan
17 April, 2007
Countercurrents.org
"The
court finds that Muslims have ceased to be a minority religious community
in the state of Uttar Pradesh on consideration of the materials on record
which includes various census reports of 1951 and 2001 and, therefore,
directs the state of Uttar Pradesh to treat any member of Muslim community
equal to other non minority religious communities…"
This is the line of the famous
and important judgment given by the Allahabad high court on April 5,
2007. The Judgment, if implemented can have far reaching implications.
This judgment was stayed the very next day, but the way judgment was
given and its timing, raised many questions. The ruling came just two
days before the first round of elections for the Uttar Pradesh Assembly.
A news channel has shown in its exit poll results that Muslim voters
have been influenced by this judgment. At the same time, the Bhartiya
Janta Party is in trouble over the controversy of a CD. The contents
of this controversial CD cover many issues including the population/numbers
and appeasement of Muslims.
About the timing of the judgment,
in its opening paragraph the honorable judge S. N. Srivastava remarked,
"Since I am scheduled to sit at the Lucknow Bench of this court
from 9th April, 2007, I consider it appropriate to pronounce the operative
part of the judgment of the writ petition."
"But why was he in a
hurry? There was no emergency in delivering this judgment." asked
noted legal and constitutional expert Prof. Tahir Mahmmood.
The matter that was set before
the court did not require a decision to be made as to whether a community
is in minority or not. It was a matter related to recognition and grant
to a Madarsa filed by Anjuman Madarsa Noorul Islam of Dehra Kalan, Ghazipur.
The Madarsa had applied for its recognition before the Minority welfare
and Waqf department, so that it could get a grant. The Manager of the
Madarsa alleged in this petition that the department was asking for
money for the recognition. It was also alleged that the secretary of
the department, who is also respondent in this case, had taken money
from two other madarsas for a grant.
Prof. Mahmood says "the
issue of being a minority or majority was not the case set before the
court. The Court went beyond the subject area to pass the judgment."
That is why he comments that judgment has a smell of bias and confusion.
"We must have a clear
idea about the definition of a minority. The expression 'minority' has
been derived from the Latin word 'minor' and the suffix 'ity' which
means 'small in number'. The most obvious definition of minorities and
majorities is in terms of numbers. According to Encyclopedia Britannica,
'minorities' is defined as "groups held together by ties of common
descent, language or religious faith and feeling different in these
respects from the majority of the inhabitants of a given political entity."
A minority is a group that is numerically smaller than the majority
in society."
-Prof. Faizan Mustafa
Another comment on this ruling
comes from, noted constitutional expert and teacher of law, Prof. Faizan
Mustafa of Aligarh Muslim University. He says, 'the decision of the
Allahabad High Court is constitutionally wrong, legally untenable and
politically incorrect. It is also contrary of consistent rulings of
the Supreme Court of India.'
While the court has only
this to say regarding the reasoning behind the ruling "applying
twin criteria, i.e. population and strength of a religious community
as laid down by founding fathers of the constitution of India as is
clear from proceedings of constituent Assembly to determine any religious
community as a religious minority. The court finds that Muslim have
ceased to be religious minority…" In view of Prof. Mahmood's
words, this isn't a strong enough reason. It only takes a simple mathematical
calculation to figure out who is in the majority or minority.
Prof. Faizan, who also happens
to be the registrar ar AMU, gives a constitutional opinion on the above
observation of the honorable high court "The expression "minorities"
has been employed only at four places in the Indian Constitution. The
head note of Article 29 uses the word minorities. Then again the expression
minorities or minority has been employed in the head note of Article
30 and clauses (1) and (2) of Article 30. Interestingly, no definition
of the term minority has been given in the Constitution and that probably
is the reason of Allahabad High Court's anxiety.'
Quoting the judgments given
by the Supreme Court in 1957 on the Kerala Education Bill and 11 bench
judges in 2002 on the TMA Pai Foundation case, He says, "The Supreme
Court of India has repeatedly held that the 'state' is to be taken as
a unit for defining minority. No High Court can go against the Supreme
Court."
Professor Faizan makes another
point,"It is also possible that in a state, no group will be in
the majority and all the inhabitants will have the minority status.
For instance, in Kerala, all communities are minorities. The Less than
50% rule is also internationally recognized. It may also be noted that
in a given situation even a majority community may also be given protection
as a minority if in the power structure of the given society, it has
what is being termed as "powerlessness." For instance, in
the apartheid of South Africa, the black community which is in majority
had a minority status."
The Court also asked the
central government and Uttar Pradesh "to take the appropriate steps
to modify the notification dated 23 .10.93, which was issued by the
Union of India, accordingly." Prof. Mahmood, pointing to this directive
of the judgment said "While delivering the judgment on UP, the
court has given the directives to the centre. This means that the court
is of the view that Muslims are also not a minority in the country as
a whole."
But the advocate of the Mumbai
High court and activist Flavia Agnes, gives a new dimension to the whole
judgment. She says that now the judiciary has an individual and globalized
perspective. They have little focus on social issues. According to Flavia,
the judgment on the reservation for OBCs in higher education shows the
same thing. Their Americanized to see the socially relevant issues.
And this is a very grave situation. She points out that the Sachar committee
has shown very clearly the backwardness and deprivation of the Muslims.
In this situation, if a judgment like this comes, it will push a community
towards ghettoisation.
Prof. Mahmood has a suggestion
too; He says that it is high time to re-think the processes and procedures
of the appointment of judges.
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