Peace In Kashmir: Engaging
Creatively With ReligionBy Yoginder Sikand
20 July, 2006
Countercurrents.orgWhile the political and economic roots of the Kashmir conflict cannot be ignored, the religious dimension is of central importance, but this is often missed out even in serious analyses of the question. After all, the Kashmir dispute emerged directly out of the processes leading to the Partition of India on a communal basis. Furthermore, as many key actors in the conflict today see it, the Kashmir issue is essentially a religious or communal question. Although this should not be taken as suggesting that the Kashmir dispute is essentially religious, rather than political, in nature, or that a solution to the conflict lies simply in a liberal or progressive understanding of religion, understandings of religion, both Hinduism as well as Islam, that are more accepting and tolerant of other faiths and their adherents can play a vital role in bringing about a peaceful resolution to the conflict in Kashmir. The tradition of Kashmiri Sufism has enormous, although unexplored, potential to combat chauvinist and intolerant versions of Islam. Much literature exists, in Urdu, Kashmiri and Persian, on the life and teachings of the Sufis of Kashmir. In recent years some books have been written on the subject in English. For the most part, such texts are written in a hagiographic mode, replete with stories of the alleged miraculous feats (karamat) of the saints, making it difficult to separate fact from fiction.
For many younger generation Kashmiri Muslims who have had the benefit of modern education such texts appear to exercise little appeal. This explains, in part, the greater popularity among such youth of alternate forms of Islamic literature, such as the publications of the Islamist Jama'at-i Islami, that propagate an understanding of Islam that is literalist and opposed to popular Sufism, even as it gives the appearance of being 'rational'. The declining appeal of Sufi forms of Islam is also to be attributed to growing awareness of exploitative practices associated with many custodians of the Sufi shrines (mujawirs, pirzadas, sajjada nashins). To add to this is the widespread feeling that Sufism, as it is popularly practiced, is 'other-worldly', and not concerned with the actual real-world concerns of the people. For many younger generation Kashmiris the popular Sufi traditions are further suspect because of what are regarded as 'un-Islamic' beliefs and practices that are associated with ritual observance at Sufi shrines.
In this context, what possible roles can the Sufi tradition play in helping bring about a peaceful resolution of the Kashmir conflict, countering religious radical and promoting more accepting notions of people of other faiths? Although the possibilities for this are rather limited, it is certainly an important form of social action that needs to be promoted. Clearly, one cannot expect any miracles to follow from this. Many Kashmiri Muslims associated with the Sufi tradition admit that they are simply too scared to speak out, against the excesses of both the Indian army and militant groups, for fear of their lives. The matter is further complicated by the fact that many Kashmiris who describe themselves as followers of the Sufis do also support the political aims of militant groups-freedom from India, independence or accession to Pakistan-while not necessarily subscribing to their particular version of Islam.
Yet, while keeping in mind these factors that clearly limit the possible role of the Kashmiri Sufi tradition in helping promote a peaceful resolution of the conflict, civil society groups could play a valuable role in this regard. One way is by helping to promote a new genre of writing in Urdu and English on Sufism, particularly on the Kashmiri Sufis, that focuses on the social roles and ethical teachings of the Sufi saints, rather than on the miracles popularly associated with them. In this regard, particular stress should be given to the role of certain Kashmiri Sufi saints in promoting inter-communal harmony and social justice based on an expansive understanding of Islam. Such texts should take the form of booklets rather than, as is the rule, scholarly tomes, and should be modestly priced. In addition to new forms of Sufi writing, seminars on Sufism and its contemporary relevance could be organized at Kashmir and Jammu universities, to which scholars of Sufism from India and elsewhere could also be invited. Likewise, seminars on Kashmiri Sufism could be organized at Indian universities, where a total ignorance prevails about the rich cultural and religious heritage of the Kashmiri Muslims.
In helping to promote a peaceful resolution to the Kashmir dispute, Indian Muslim civil society groups have a very crucial role to play. If such groups have not been active in Kashmir it is not because of any insensitivity to the problems of their co-religionists in the region, but, rather, because of the fear of being accused as 'anti-national' simply because of being associated in any way with the Kashmiri Muslims. This is tragic, not only because as citizens of India they, too, have the same right and the same responsibility of trying to do what they can to help promote peace in Kashmir as other Indians, but also because they are uniquely positioned to do so. Many Indian Muslims see a peaceful resolution of the Kashmir dispute as essential for their own survival and progress, for the continuing conflict in the region only further helps Hindu chauvinists in India in their anti-Muslim campaign. As such, then, the Indian Muslims have a vital stake in peace in Kashmir. Indian Muslim organizations and 'ulama appear to exercise a profound influence on a significant section of Kashmiri Muslim opinion. Almost all the Islamic literature available in bookshops in Kashmir is published by Islamic groups based in India, particularly Delhi. In recent years a number of madrasas have opened in Kashmir, and almost all of these are associated with larger madrasas in India itself, particularly of the Deobandi, Barelvi and Ahl-i Hadith schools of thought. Some of the teachers in these madrasas are from north India (mostly from Bihar and eastern Uttar Pradesh). Most of the higher-level teachers of these madrasas have graduated from leading madrasas in India, and still maintain links with their alma maters.
Given this, Indian Muslim organizations and 'ulama could be encouraged to play a more active role in helping to promote peace in Kashmir. With the respect that they command among significant sections of the Kashmiri Muslims, they could prove to be particularly effective. A number of Indian Muslim groups and individuals have been involved in promote inter-faith dialogue and communal harmony in India, through practical work along with people of other faiths as well as through their scholarship and literature. They need to be encouraged to extend their activities to Kashmir as well. If they are consistent in their insistence that Islam envisions a just peace and harmonious inter-communal relations, this should hold true not only in a context of Muslim minority-ness, as in India as a whole, but also in a situation where Muslims are a majority, as in Kashmir.
In this regard, a valuable purpose could be served if Indian Muslim activists who have been involved in promoting inter-faith dialogue and communal harmony in India could visit Kashmir on a regular basis and interact with local Islamic and social activists. Leaders of three Islamic groups in India have a particularly crucial role to play in this regard: the Jama'at-i Islami Hind, the Markaz-i Ahl-i Hadith-i Hind and the Dar 'ul-'Ulum madrasa at Deoband. This is because Pakistan-based organizations sharing a common understanding of Islam with these three groups (the Jama'at-i Islami Pakistan, the Lashkar-i Tayyeba [associated with the Ahl-i Hadith Pakistan] and the Jaish-i Muhammad (associated with one wing of the Pakistani Deobandis] respectively) are key players in the Kashmir conflict today. The Indian Jama'at, as well as several Indian Ahl-i Hadith and the Deobandi 'ulama, have, on the whole, adopted a somewhat different position from their Pakistani counterparts on religious extremism, stressing the need for inter-communal harmony and a peaceful resolution of the Kashmir dispute. It should not be difficult to encourage them to take a more pro-active role in Kashmir, and since they exercise an important influence on the Kashmiri Muslims their intervention can prove to be invaluable.Promoting alternate visions and understandings of Islam that are more accommodative of people of other faiths and that stress peaceful means of conflict resolution is an essential and necessary, although not sufficient, condition for a peaceful resolution of the Kashmir conflict. This said, more accepting and inclusive understandings of Hinduism (and of Indian nationalism as well) are also an absolute necessity in this regard. Islamist and Hindutva militancy feed on each other, and both need to be countered and contested.
