The
New War Against The New Iraq
By Dan Lieberman
05 April, 2007
Countercurrents.org
It's a new war. United States
president George W. Bush was correct on May 1, 2003, the day he landed
on the U.S.S. Abraham Lincoln aircraft carrier, and essentially declared
the end of the war against Saddam Hussein's hapless Iraq. The ending
of the first Bush war begat other wars; a Civil War of Sunnis against
Shiites, an extended war of Al-Qaeda against the U.S. and Iraq, a possible
war of western nations against Iran, and President Bush's surge, which
is an euphemism for a new U.S. war against the new Iraqi nation.
Start of a New War
The U.S. military campaign
to overthrow Saddam Hussein accomplished its objectives. Civil campaigns
for creation of an Iraq constitution and formation of a provisional
Iraq government by democratic election did occur. Fine! Let's go home!
U.S. forces did not go home, and any campaign after victory is a new
campaign. The new campaign did not start until the installation of the
new Iraq government. The violence at that time had Iraqis, who refused
to fight for Hussein, willing to fight against America's occupation
and its attempt to dominate the cradle of civilization. The initial
insurrection has grown into several simultaneous full-scale wars, all
equally serious. One of these is disguised by rhetorical use of the
word ‘surge.’ Nevertheless, it is a war against the interim
Al-Maliki government and the new Iraqi nation.
U.S. forces are fighting
with Iraq military and against Iraq military, with Iraq security and
against Iraq security, with friends of the Iraq government and against
friends of the Iraq government. Bush's legions can't tell friends from
enemies and are fighting with and against almost the entire Iraq population
outside of Kurdish territory. By changing its operations from tactical
to strategic, from defensive to all-out offensive, and by focusing on
Baghdad, the U.S. started a new war against the Iraqi presidents' leading
constituency and, in effect, against the Al-Maliki government. U.S.
forces have attacked Shiite militias friendly to the government and
antagonistic to Sunni insurgents. The U.S. has prepared to implement
a new military occupation in Sadr City.
Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr,
son of one of Saddam Hussein's principal opponents and a wavering ally
of Iraq president al-Maliki, instructed his followers to "rise
up in support of the Iraqi resistance.” Followers haven't followed
the leader's orders, although reports demonstrate the new war is principally
against those who are anti-American and easily influenced by Iran, even
if they might be pro-government. The military operations indirectly
assist the government's principal antagonists, the insurgent Sunnis.
Surge' cuts killings in Baghdad,
Jonathan V. Last, The Philadelphia Inquirer, March 28: On March 6, coordinated
car bombs in the Babil province city of Hillah killed more than 115
and wounded about 200 Shiite pilgrims. The same day, 300 al-Qaeda fighters
stormed a prison in Mosul, freeing 140 suspected terrorists held there.
Diyala province, in particular, has become a refuge for insurgents;
Petraeus has deployed an additional 700 U.S. troops there to prevent
al-Qaeda from taking root.
On March 4, U.S. and Iraqi
forces began cleaning out Sadr City, the Baghdad stronghold of Muqtada
al-Sadr's Mahdi Army. Sadr has gone into hiding in Iran, and the action
was mostly peaceful. Originally, the Baghdad Security Plan had called
for 35 to 40 joint security stations, mini-HQs in Baghdad neighborhoods
to be manned by coalition and Iraqi troops. After the first 20 were
established, the results were so good that Petraeus increased the ultimate
goal to 70 such stations.
70 Killed in Wave of
Revenge in Northern Iraq, by ALISSA J. RUBIN NYT
March 29, 2007: BAGHDAD, March 28 — One of the bloodiest chapters
in Iraq’s sectarian strife unfolded over the past two days in
the northern city of Tal Afar where gunmen, some of them apparently
police officers, participated in the revenge killings of scores of Sunnis
in the aftermath of a huge double suicide bombing in a Shiite area.
The new war against the
new Iraq duplicates some of the worst features of Saddam Hussein's regime.
Beyond Saddam
The illegality of the U.S.
war has been well recognized and is now being well expressed. Shock
waves rumbled through Washington when Saudi Arabia's King Abdullah uttered
words that surprised the Bush administration:
By HASSAN M. FATTAH. NYT, March 29, 2007
RIYADH, Saudi Arabia,
March 28 — King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia told Arab leaders on
Wednesday that the American occupation of Iraq was illegal and warned
that unless Arab governments settled their differences, foreign powers
like the United States would continue to dictate the region’s
politics.
Illegal was one adjective
for Saddam Hussein's authoritarian regime. A comparison between the
Bush/Maliki Iraq and Hussein's Iraq shows close resemblances, with each
regime having beneficial characteristics not in the other. Apparently,
the U.S. invasion has replaced tyrannical features with similar tyrannical
features.
Sectarian Violence was limited in HUSSEIN'S IRAQ.
Sectarian Violence is massive in BUSH/MALIKI IRAQ.
Opponents were killed in HUSSEIN'S IRAQ, but killings stopped in last
years.
Opponents are killed in BUSH/MALIKI IRAQ, and killings haven't stopped.
Opponents were imprisoned
in HUSSEIN'S IRAQ, but imprisonments stopped in last years.
Opponents are imprisoned
in BUSH/MALIKI IRAQ, and imprisonments haven't stopped.
Al Qaeda Terrorism was non-existent in HUSSEIN'S IRAQ.
Al Qaeda Terrorism is great in BUSH/MALIKI IRAQ.
Freedom was nil in HUSSEIN'S
IRAQ.
Freedom is appreciable in BUSH/MALIKI IRAQ.
Order characterized HUSSEIN'S IRAQ.
Order is missing in BUSH/MALIKI
IRAQ.
It's inconclusive to state
that Iraq's political or social life has improved. It's conclusive that
Iraq's economic life has not improved. Iraq's Crude Oil Production (~2.2M
barrels/day), which is a major part of its gross domestic product, is
much below the peak pre-Gulf War figure (3.5M barrels/day) and less
than its production before the U.S. invasion (3M barrels/day).
Despite the mayhem, the reduced oil production, and the tyrannical features,
the Bush administration doesn't see fault in its policies towards Iraq.
It's all the fault of the Iraqis.
Blaming the Victims
The United States and Israel
have a common attribute - shifting their violations of others to blaming
the victims. According to the U.S. government it was Saddam Hussein's
fault that the U.S. believed Iraq had weapons of mass destruction. It
was Saddam's fault that the U.S. believed he was prepared to use the
weapons he didn't have with the delivery systems he didn't have. It
was Saddam's fault that Iraq had to be invaded.
It is now the al-Maliki government's
fault that Al Qaeda terrorists, who weren't in Iraq before the U.S.
invaded, freely roam Iraq's alleys and valleys. The present Iraq government,
installed by the U.S., is ungrateful for the freedom given to them and
is apathetic in resolving an insurgency that the U.S. invasion caused,
and which U.S. military power could not suppress. Perhaps George W.
Bush should listen to Shada Hassoun sing Baghdaaaaad, and to an Iraqi's
opinion that Shada Hassoun, who is Moroccan with Iraq ancestry, "is
doing all the things that all the Iraqi girls cannot do now; singing,
dancing, being free. She is representing freedom."
The New War Against
the New Iraq
During the 2003 invasion
of Iraq, U.S. forces drove straight North to Baghdad. Hostilities ended
after the capture of Iraq's capital. Shift to 2007 and U.S. forces are
battling throughout the Iraqi nation, from Mosul in the north to south
of Baghdad and to the western frontier with Syria. A different war at
a different time and with different antagonists. The majority of Democrats
in the U.S. Congress have sought an acceptable means for terminating
the present war. Don't they have it?
The 2002 Joint Resolution
to Authorize the Use of United States Armed Forces Against Iraq agreed
to give President Bush to use armed force in a previous war.
SEC. 3. AUTHORIZATION FOR
USE OF UNITED STATES ARMED FORCES.
(a) AUTHORIZATION. The President is authorized to use the Armed Forces
of the United States as he determines to be necessary and appropriate
in order to
(1) defend the national security of the United States against the continuing
threat posed by Iraq; and
(2) enforce all relevant United Nations Security Council Resolutions
regarding Iraq.
The "continuing threat"
by defenseless Iraq, which never existed, now exists less then never.
All relevant UN Security Resolutions, which were already enforced, have
been re-enforced. So, what's the problem? No joint resolution authorizes
the present war. Senator Kennedy, ask for a new resolution for a new
war and watch it fail.
It's difficult to accept
that the United States, with the world's leading universities, scholars,
political pundits, historians, and pervasive media did not have authoritative
voices to inform congress that toppling Saddam Hussein would lead to
a Civil War. The U.S. government must have known the tragedy that awaited
Iraq and that lessons of history would apply to Iraq’s future.
Certainly, the U.S. realized Iraq had the potential to be the leading
power in the Middle East and a countervailing force to United States
and Israel dominance, and incorporated those considerations in its plans.
Certainly, the Bush government realized that a Shiite majority would
gain power and greatly strengthen Iran's influence in the Middle East.
Many high government officials in the Bush administration knew that
the war against Saddam Hussein would lead to an eventual war against
Iraq and that the destruction of the Saddam Hussein regime would lead
to the destruction of Iraq.
Dan Lieberman is editor of Alternative Insight, a web-based
monthly commentary.
He has authored many articles on foreign and domestic policy.
Dan receives e-mails at: [email protected]
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