Writing
As Sedition
By subhash Gatade
06 September, 2006
Countercurrents.org
(Ahmedabad, August 29:
It was a tragedy, which could have been averted. The unprecedented,
massive floods, which defaced Surat and wrecked the Diamond City economically,
could not have happened if authorities — who failed to sense danger
or chose to ignore the rising levels of the Ukai reservoir — had
started releasing water in a phased manner. Official figures put the
damages at over Rs 21,000 crores, but the actual loss, if evaluated
fairly, is much higher. (Express News Service)
The
arrest of an editor of an eveninger from Surat, Gujarat charging him
with ‘anti-national activities’ including ‘instigating
people against a duly elected government’ has once again brought
into sharp focus the way freedom of expression can be easily trampled
with impunity by the powers that be. It was in the fitness of things
that journalists of various hues in Surat took out a procession to declare
solidarity with the arrested journalist and also protest government’s
muzzling of the media and imposition of virtual censorship.
As reported in a section
of the media, the law and order people felt offended when Manoj Shinde,
editor of ‘Surat Samna’ the said eveninger in an editorial
‘..[a] ttacked several officials and BJP leaders for mishandling
of the release of water from the Ukai dam resulting in the flooding
of the city and causing colossal losses to the people’. (The Hindu,
30 th August 2006,Delhi). The complaint against Shinde on behalf of
the government of Gujarat has been lodged under Section 124A (sedition:
anyone who by words or expression of any kind brings or attempts to
bring or provoke a feeling of hatred, contempt or disaffection towards
government established by law shall be punished with life imprisonment)
292, 293, 294(b) (dealing with obscene publication), 500 (defamation),
501 (printing and aggravating matter against union territory or Chief
Minister) and 502 and 505(1) (circulation of false statement against
the public peace) under the Indian Penal Code.
As rightfully noted by a
human rights activist Girish Patel “Shinde’s editorial doesn’t
amount to sedition as the comments were against an individual. The tendency
here is that the CM considers himself to be Gujarat. It is not sedition
even if he is called Hitler. It may amount to defamation but not sedition.”(Indian
Express, 31 st August 2006) Looking at the fact that the state government
had received enough opprobrium for its handling of the floods, it is
clear that the singling out of the journalist was an act of vengeance
by the people in power.
One can say that the plight
of the journalist for standing up to the misdeeds of the government
can’t be said to be an exception. In fact the whole episode reminds
one of the presence of such draconian provisions in the statue books
of a sovereign democratic set up which helps the powers that be to apprehend
anyone under its pretext.
To further elaborate about the leeway it gives to ruling elite one can
have a look at a few cases during last few years where it can be clear
to even laypersons that the ‘offenders’ were engaged in
activities not even remotedly connected with sedition.
Post 9/11 when the anti war
movement took shape all over the world to oppose machinations of the
USA for world hegemony, a section of its participants in Delhi had a
tough experience at the hands of the then BJP regime. Six students belonging
to Delhi university were charged with ‘sedition’ and were
arrested for the "crime" of distributing anti-war leaflets
and denouncing the communal-fascist war mongering stand of the Vajpayee
government. It is a different matter that faced with large scale criticism
at the hands of the media and civil society the government had to retrace
its arbitrary move.
During Mayawatis third stint
of power in Lucknow with due support of the BJP, peace activist and
Magasaysay award winner Sandeep Pandey and his fellow activists also
faced charges of ‘sedition’ and ‘inciting communal
violence.’ Interestingly a poster put up by them on the dharana
site in Faizabad (U.P.) which was organised to demand peaceful resolution
of the Ayodhya issue was declared inflammatory.( 20 March 2003) The
poster in question had a quote from a poem by Laxmi Shankar Vajpayee
and said " Oh God, Please don't accept the temple which is built
on the foundations of the dead and has blood stained walls."
Human Rights Watch in its
report of 1999 tells us about the violation of dalit rights which is
done with impunity. Under the heading ‘Criminalisation of Social
Activism’ the report narrates the story of one Tirumavalavan a
dalit rights activist from Tamilnadu and other members of his movement
who are targeted by the police for organizing Dalits to claim their
rights. According to the testimony of Tirumavalavan he is “.[o]ften
arrested under Indian Penal Code sections 153(a) [for promoting enmity
between different groups] and 120(b) [for criminal conspiracy], and
also under the Sedition Act and the National Security Act.
A cursory glance at the genesis
of the ‘crime of sedition’ would make it that it has its
roots in an era when statesmen and political leaders were considered
to be largely above reproach by the common man. It was a time when coups
and revolutions were a constant threat and the resort to political violence
a common phenomenon. Coming to Indian case one can see that while the
British colonialists imposed it supposedly to rein in the natives but
as an offence it originated in UK. Prior to 1606, treason (an offence
similar to sedition) was punishable under the Statute of Treasons of
1352. The offence of seditious libel was first created in 1606 by the
infamous Star Chamber decision in de Libellis Famosis18 and continued
to exist at common law as a species of libel.
One can say that the rationale
for incorporating sedition act has come in for criticism on two counts.
Firstly its clear espousal of methods adopted by our colonial rulers
to discipline the ‘natives’ and secondly its core concept
which seems clearly antithetical to the underlying premises of modern
democracy. A mere look at the ‘Sedition Act’ embodied under
Indian penal Code section 124 A would make it clear what one wants to
convey :
Whoever by words, either
spoken or written, or by signs, or by visible representation, or otherwise,
brings or attempts to bring into hatred or contempt, or excites or attempts
to excite disaffection towards, the Government established by law in
India, shall be punished with imprisonment for life, to which fine may
be added, or with imprisonment which may extend to three years, to which
fine may be added..
It is symptomatic of its
anachronism that in most of the mature democracies, the law of sedition
has now either formally been rescinded or is largely defunct. A considered
observation of ‘Global Campaign for Free Expression’ is
worth quoting in full : Pronouncements by courts and law reform commissions
in a number of common law jurisdictions support the contention that
the law of sedition serves no useful purpose, is anachronistic, is palpably
undemocratic, and is an unconstitutional encroachment on the right to
freedom of expression.
Whether India the ‘largest
democracy in the world’ is ready to pay heed to the voices in
the other mature democracies?
SUBHASH GATADE, writer and
social activist, has done M.Tech in Mech Engg ( 1981) . Writes regularly
for English, Hindi and Urdu magazines and newspapers, edits a journal
in Hindi called ‘Sandhan’ . He can be contacted at [email protected]