Looking Beyond ‘K’ Issue
By Zafar Choudhary
16 June, 2007
Countercurrents.orgWhen conflict resolution is a long drawn process, the conflict management should essentially be the interim approach to tackling the situation. In pursuit of resolving larger issues the smaller ones can not be ignored. If allowed to wait, the smaller issues can take proportions much alarming and bigger than the larger ones. This is what has been happening to Jammu and Kashmir.
Earlier this month the Reliance Fresh Stores had to be guarded by a posse of cops in states of Bihar, Jharkhand and Orrisa following violent protests from the vegetable vendors. A news agency collected comments from consumers as how they felt visiting the Reliance Fresh Stores. One Sadanand Mishra in Ranchi was quoted as saying, “there was too much security, and I felt as if I was in Jammu and Kashmir”. Beyond its boundaries this is the image of this state. There is another reaction as well. In the middle of this month a batch of Indian Forest Services trainees was on a tour of Jammu and Kashmir where they visited almost all parts of state except Ladakh. On way back, one of the visiting trainees asked this writer, “Where are those killing fields we often hear about? Which exactly are those places where demilitarisation is being demanded?” The point here is that there are some people here, in India and elsewhere who firmly hold the opinion of Sadanand Mishra and then there is another set of people who believe the way this IFS trainee does.
If one says that Jammu and Kashmir is heavily militarised State –the statement is absolutely true. Such large presence of troops sometimes makes one uncomfortable –psychologically and physically. But if one feels that there is no need of troops –that does not hold good. There is insecurity. At present the security situation is well under control. Well under control means that the local Police are well geared to take care of the internal security without any help from the Armed forces. But at the same time, the troops can not be moved out because there is uncertainty. The troops are there till the final settlement of the Kashmir issue –this should be taken as a reality. What is ignored in this course is the psychological pressure on the people, the unwelcome but inevitable harassment and well established cases of the violation of human rights.
Jammu and Kashmir has a definite problem and that has to be addressed for a lasting peace in the South Asian region. There has been phenomenal perfidy from New Delhi on its special status that has to be corrected. There is a problem with Pakistan the visible face of which is the import of the mechanics of terror which needs to be addressed. Addressing these issues might take little longer than one had expected. But at the same time there are issues which need a holistic approach.For last 50 years, Jammu has been home to over 40,000 families from the West Pakistan. They are not considered residents of this state and thus denied of all those rights normally available to the state subjects. The J&K Chief Minister recently convened an all party meeting to discuss some contentious issues including this one. A majority of the participants including the National Conference, Peoples Democratic Party, CPI(M) and the PDF sought to link the issue of refugees with the final settlement of Kashmir issue. Any saner person would believe that a final settlement of Kashmir issue is still many years in making. Should smaller issues be allowed to wait till then? No. This will lead to bottling up of anger. The issue of refugees is not a case in isolation. Jammu and Kashmir is today home to several dozens of issues, conflicts and problems which have been allowed to wait till final resolution of Kashmir issue. The anger is bottling up. When these bottles filled with anger burst the dozen of conflicts within might emerge as far larger than the Kashmir issue itself.
When Prime Minister Manmohan Singh convened third roundtable conference on Jammu and Kashmir (first two were held last year) on April 24, to discuss the recommendations of the Working Groups constituted by him, the separatists and many others trashed the whole exercise. They had a reason to do so. The people who sat with the Prime Minister around the roundtable were all those who, more or less, endorse New Delhi’s view point on Kashmir. There was no voice from those who have reservations with the present system and have sought to challenge the same on various grounds. The exercise without participation of separatists can be described as incomplete but not meaningless. Interesting were the view points when recommendations of four of the five working groups came public. “Eyewash”, this is the one word most of the Kashmir experts and the people who have reservation with the system used to describe voluminous reports.
They are right in doing so. The most important of the five working groups studying the Center-State relations is yet to submit its report to the Prime Minister. The four working groups which have finalised the reports have nothing specific in their recommendations which can become part of the larger Kashmir solution. There is nothing at all which can satisfy, even by a smaller extent, the separatists or Pakistan on Kashmir resolution. A document which does not address the larger political issue is often trashed. However, seen with the eye of a common man, the working groups, perhaps, have been the first organised study to understand the prevailing issues which concern the majority in Jammu and Kashmir. Even though many of the issues have not been dealt with deeply and implementation of the recommendations still can be seen with doubt (as recommendations of many empowered groups are still gathering dust) an analysis of the smaller but serious problems have for the first time taken shape of an official document for consideration at the highest level.
Relevant for moving forward but a little different from the contemporary discourse, the present is essentially driven from a question: What Jammu and Kashmir would look like the day after Kashmir conflict is amicably resolved with a consensus between New Delhi, Islamabad and separatist leadership of Srinagar. With a single direction engagement on arresting separatist sentiment in Kashmir and ending the cult of militant violence, this is a question which has apparently not been considered for answers in research or policy quarters. The answer to this question is a dangerous situation and far more serious conflicts, than the existing one, which have already taken shape.
While taking a cue from the situation prevailing for last several decades and actually looking beyond the clichéd separatist conflict, there is an imminent need to bring to the fore for public debate and fresh policy formulations the underlying themes of conflicts that will certainly keep Jammu and Kashmir on boil even after the present conflict is resolved if they are not addressed in a timely manner. If Kashmir issue has to be resolved, the internal dynamics have to be addressed first.
Alternative Paradigm
Kashmir is in conflict with New Delhi since 1947. This is a fact known world over. During these 59 years this conflict has been of different manifestations. As the different power groups in the Valley assume power from time to time, so is the change in manifestation of the conflict. Therefore all these years, the conflict has at times been seen as mainstream political dissidence and at other times secessionist movement challenging the very sovereignty of Indian state over Kashmir. A political dead lock still persists. Separatist violence and its counter by the Indian security forces is every day taking huge toll of human life, the centuries old secularism, the rich cultural veracity, developmental infrastructure and environment.
The persisting conflict in Kashmir, particularly the current violence since 1989, has proved as a major stumbling block in India’s becoming a major economic and defence power. The international community also is too concerned over prospects of peace in South Asia as prolonging conflict in Kashmir is seen as potential danger to the world peace.
This is, however, the visible definition of the Kashmir issue. This is how the issue has been seen during six decades. And this is what the International Community, political analysts, strategic experts and the world media know of Kashmir. And this is what New Delhi and Islamabad have been discussing the past and are likely to discuss in future also.
The problem in Jammu and Kashmir has often been described as the one with two dimensions: internal and external. Having understood that the conflict involving Kashmir is live and present, now is perhaps the time to understand that it is a three dimensional issue: With External, Federal and Internal.
· The External dimension involves the engagement between New Delhi and Islamabad, inter alia Pakistan’s diplomatic offensive, export of the elements of terrorism into Jammu and Kashmir, covert as well as overt political support to separatist sentiments in Valley, lobbying in Islamic world etc.
· The Federal dimension, which is often described as international dimension as situation actually prevailing within Jammu and Kashmir is grossly ignored, is about the spirit of the instrument of accession, autonomous status of the state of Jammu and Kashmir, provisions of the Article 370 of the Constitution of India, Delhi Agreement of 1952 and Indira Sheikh Agreement of 1974/75.
· The third, most critical and continuously ignored aspect of the conflict in Jammu and Kashmir is its internal dimension. In fact the peoples are continuously in conflict among themselves and with the state.
Conflicts Beyond ‘K’As the problems are counted in hundreds and none of them can described as lesser serious than the other, here is a brief description of three critical issues which have the potential of keeping Jammu and Kashmir on boil even after the vexed issue is resolved for once and all.
Regional and sub-regional unrest
Dialogue between Kashmir Valley, Jammu and Ladakh regions is important for treating Jammu and Kashmir as a single entity. Until these three distinct regions draw closer, settle their differences and agree to operate as equal partners, there will never be a stable basis upon which relations upon which relations with rest of India can satisfactorily tackled.
It will be no exaggeration to say that the regional conflict within Jammu and Kashmir is far more serious than the level of conflict between state and the centre. Even after the State of Jammu and Kashmir is granted greater autonomy as advocated by the largest political party of the state –the National Conference or Self Rule as demanded by the Peoples Democratic Party the conflict will not end. Rather, settling the power conflict between New Delhi and Srinagar will bring to the fore the underlying conflicts among the regions and sub regions.
Jammu and Kashmir is comprised of three distinct regions clearly identified and separated on the basis of geography, topography, demography, culture, language and aspirations. The most unique region in this state –Ladakh has never been at ease with Kashmir and therefore a demand for separation from Jammu and Kashmir and independent status of Union Territory has been there since 1947. The movement for separation from Jammu and Kashmir state and creation of a Union Territory reached a all time high in 2002, when Leh units of all political parties were unanimously dissolved and the local leadership cutting across the ideological and party affiliation formed the Ladakh Union Territory Front (LUTF). The LUTF candidates won assembly elections unopposed and uncontested as there was complete unanimity for the creation of Union Territory. In a bid to arrest the sentiment of separation from Jammu and Kashmir, the state government, in consultation with New Delhi, empowered the Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council (LAHDC) to the extent that LAHDC Chief Executive has more financial powers than the Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir. A classic case of a “State within a State”. The J&K CM has authority of sanctioning a project or contingency to the upper limit of Rs two crores. But that too has to be ratified by the cabinet when it meets next. However, the LAHDC chief has the powers to sanction a project of Rs five crore without any administrative approval from the state government. With this huge empowerment and political concession it was thought that the sentiment of separation from the state has been arrested. Interestingly the LAHDC administration and the LUTF leadership says that empowerment of the LAHDC is the first step towards creation of Union Territory for Ladakh. This throws an important question on the regional and sub-regional conflict. Ladakh region again is comprised of two distinct areas identified as two different districts and administered by two different authorities. LAHDC-Leh and LAHDC-Kargil. It is only the Budhist dominated Leh district which is spearheading the demand for Union Territory. The Shia Muslim dominated Kargil district has been opposing this vehemently. Both districts together constitute the Himalayan cold desert of Ladakh, they remain isolated from rest of the country for nearly eight months a year due to hostile whether and geographical conditions but people from each entity do not see each other eye to eye for their differences on the Union Territory status.
The third distinct region and country’s gateway to Jammu and Kashmir –the Jammu region comprising six districts has always opposed autonomy and is now protesting against the demand of self rule. In this region, for several decades there has been campaign against autonomy and a demand for abrogation of Article 370 of the constitution of India through which Jammu and Kashmir enjoys special powers in the Indian Union. However, since mid 1990s, voices are being raised in Jammu region for a separate statehood. A Jharkhand type of movement is taking shape here with the formation of parties and groups like Jammu Mukti Morcha, Jammu and Kashmir Nationalist Front and Jammu Statehood Front. The BJP and its allied groups are fully supporting such movements.
The conflict at the sub-regional level is too sharp. Cutting across the political and ideological differences, there is a strong movement in Doda district for creation of Chenab Valley Autonomous Hill Development Council. The twin frontier districts of Rajouri and Poonch too have been campaigning for separate development council as the fruits of infrastructure and industrial development are concentrated around the capital cities of Jammu and Srinagar alone.
As already explained above, if three distinct regions of the state do not find a common ground with each other, the conflict can never find a resolution.Identity and Cultural Conflict
For understanding Jammu and Kashmir the identities and aspirations will have to be understood first. The discourse of separatist politics exists only in parts of Kashmir valley while the state extends to vast regions of Jammu and Ladakh as well. Issues and aspirations in Jammu and Ladakh regions have never been the same as those in Kashmir Valley. Therefore, there has to be a different treatment for different identities.
The kind of identity crisis and ethnic conflict that prevails in Jammu and Kashmir is arguable nowhere else in the country. There are five major cultural and linguistic identities in the state –Kashmiri Muslims, Hindu Dogras, Gujjar Muslims, Pahari Muslims, Kashmiri Pandits and Budhists. In a population of ten millions, the Kashmiri speaking Muslims constitute less than one third. Ironically in the political description at national and international level every one belonging to Jammu and Kashmir is described as a ‘Kashmiri’. In this backdrop there is a strong movement for identity across the state, as people in Jammu and Ladakh refuse to identify their interests and aspirations with Kashmir alone. Then there is a serious identity conflict between Gujjars and Paharis of Jammu region and two districts of Kashmir Valley –Baramulla and Kupwara. Caste based and ethnic conflict has become an order of the day in these areas. The list of identity conflict here is not exhaustive as there are other smaller conflicts also.
Different ethnic and cultural groups in Jammu and Kashmir have their own definite identities and aspirations. The separatist sentiment, that now has not only the national but also international concerns, prevails among a particular cultural and linguistic group that does not make the majority. With a focus on this particular sentiment, the aspirations of the majority are not only completely ignored but they are also not recognised and identified. This trend has a potential for alienation among those who form the mainstream groups and such alienation is now showing. Thus, there is an imminent need of making a detailed account of all ethnic, cultural and linguistic identities in Jammu and Kashmir, discuss their issues and aspirations. Recognition of different identities will help understand the core issues and can actually simplify the process of conflict resolution.
Lopsided Development and Denial of Powers to People at Grassroots
Alienation of masses from the mainstream system has its roots always in the denial of democratic rights. A denial of right to franchise to some in Kashmir valley makes the protest audible at international level. But looking deeper, it comes out that the State has no mechanism at all for involving people in a democratic decision making process. There is a big distance between the State and the people. Left unattended, this accumulating dissidence can rupture for the worst.
A major cause of discontent in Jammu and Kashmir is the centralisation of powers and administrative authority. While Srinagar’s unease with New Delhi over more autonomy has been an evident “struggle” for fifty years but little is known about the quantum of power the State shares with the people. In fact, the majority in Jammu and Kashmir has no role at all in the development process. At present, Jammu and Kashmir presents the worst case of extermination of grassroots institutions of governance. For example, the Panchayats were dissolved in 1977 as the government wanted to empower them through a constitutional amendment and therefore fresh elections were proposed to be held. That process could not take place for next 24 years. It was in 2000-2001 that National Conference government headed by Dr Farooq Abdullah conducted the Panchayat elections. It is important to note here that the despite state-wide violence, killing of over a hundred political activists and chopping off the ears and noses of eight women who were contesting the elections, the Panchayat polls held after a staggering gap of 24 years saw massive public participation. Such huge public participation and enthusiasm underlined the urges and aspirations for restoration of powers to the people through grassroots democratic institutions of governance. Ironically, however, seven years down the line, the Panchayats were never formally constituted and powers were never devolved to the democratically elected bodies. This can be seen as derailment of democracy and has created deep alienation among the masses.
The mainstream political leadership in Jammu and Kashmir, from time to time, has underlined the need of restoration of greater autonomy, which means devolution of more powers from New Delhi to Srinagar as a means of conflict resolution. But if conflict has to be resolved honestly, this power, or the existing powers, need to travel to the people in regions and sub-regions from Srinagar. If powers remains concentrated in few hands, as it is today, the conflicts will never be resolved.
EPILOGUEIf an organised effort is not put to make different regions and identities in Jammu and Kashmir to behave and work like equal partners the day after Kashmir issue is resolved may be a sad beginning of many on other potential conflicts
Author is Editor Epilogue magazine published from Jammu and Kashmir. He can be reached at [email protected]
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