Caste System In Muslim Community: Socially Visible Social Stratification
By Meraj Ahmad
25 October, 2013
Countercurrents.org
While reading “Hierarchy and Differences” [Dipankar Gupta 1989: 1-21], the question that readily came to my mind is: how much there are differences (differentiated on the basis of nature and form) between Hindu caste system and caste system prevailing in Indian Muslim society. It seems that four layered caste system (varna system) in strict sense is not observed by ordinary Muslims and not even mentioned by Muslims scholars as such. In Indian Muslim society, it is basically Ashraf (upper caste) or non-Ashraf (lower caste) [Zarina Ahmad 1962: 325-336]. At some places, categorisation of three levels is also mentioned, namely, Ashraf (equivalent to upper caste), Ajlaaf (equivalent to OBCs) and Arzaal (equivalent to SCs/STs). Sachar Committee Report clearly mentioned the above three categories (p.193). The very presence of caste in the Indian Muslims society within these above mentioned classes can’t be denied by looking at the practice of endogamy within caste, nature of social interaction and representation at religious, social and power places. Studies suggest that backward caste Muslims are highly under-represented in legislature [Jaffrelot et al.: 2012]. Empirically it can also be observed that at other institutions like executive, judiciary, and media etc. where backward caste Muslims are almost absent. At very few pockets of northern belt where backward caste Muslims are in majority and are economically sound (for e.g. some pockets in eastern and western UP), they do exercise some amount of influence. But such influence and visibility is not only local in nature but also non-interventionist in effects at decision-making levels.
When one search for the genesis of caste system in Indian Muslim, it could easily be established that almost all Muslims are of indigenous origin, and are converted ones. But due to conversion to corresponding caste of different community, mostly, they retained their social and economic actuality.This fact gives ample of hints to understand the caste system in Indian Muslim society. Reality of the caste system finds resonance in other similarly situated caste/class across religions (or communities). Multidimensional effect of the caste is pervasive into every aspects of life irrespective of religion. Everybody knows what is meant by “rob aur daab” of Syed sahib or khan sahib to lower caste Muslims in day to day life. However, it’s very puzzling to dig out the actual reasons of superiority. Most cited reasons appear to be descent, foreign origin, pure blood, noble family etc. It seems that caste system in Indian Muslim society is defined by functional division of labour and place of origin, in turn, division of power, wealth, respect, and piousness. Religiously and scientifically speaking, caste based superiority is nothing but sort of ‘invisible superiority’ that must be broken in the interest of backward caste Muslims, popularly called ‘pasmanda’. Castes do act as reason for social disabilities, and it is irrefutable fact in Hindu society, and Muslim society is no exception to this general rule. Prof. Gupta argues, ‘social stratification not only means differentiation but differentiation that is made socially visible’. Looking from this perspective, it should be clear that cause and effect of this ‘visibility’ needs to be hammered out time and again, which in the long term, will realize actual emancipation: equality and justice for all citizens. Prof. Sen in his book ‘The Idea of Justice’ cites an energizing poem by Seamus Heaney that seems relevant to mention here:
History says, Don’t hope
On this side of the grave,
But then, once in a lifetime
The longed-for tidal wave
Of justice can rise up,
And hope and history rhyme (pp. 26-27).
Systemic backwardness demands systemic justice. Political dynamics of caste across religion has its own merit. Differentiated social reality needs different state intervention in a secular polity. Similarly situated socio-educational status needs to be clubbed together for preferential treatment, as a matter of state policy, irrespective faith. In this sense, much politically exploited terms like ‘minority’ and ‘majority’ become misnomer (Khalid Anis Ansari, “Muslims that ‘minority politics’ left behind”, The Hindu, 17 June, 13). Pasmanda, in the larger setup of state intervention will not, then, be treated as ‘minority’ or ‘majority of minority’. If the backwards and Dalits comes together irrespective of religion, such ‘social engineering’ has potential to change the arithmetic of currently prevailing sectarian, communal and status quoits political scenario, by breaking the myth of minority and majority.
Meraj Ahmad is a law graduate, currently pursuing Ph.D. in CILS. The areas of work include current legal issues especially related to International Law, and more specifically issue and policies related to International Renewable Energy Law
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