Lift
The Siege On Hamas
By Ahmed Yousef
27 September, 2007
The
Electronic Intifada
While largely unnoticed in American
discourse on the topic, much has been said and written to debunk the
sanctions regime imposed on Hamas government administrations since its
resounding victory in the Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) elections
of January 2006. These calls and reports show with compelling logic
that the sanctions regime is wrong and misguided and, equally important,
that it is a reaction to the excessively intense pressure that the US
administration has exercised over other nations to induce them to boycott
and besiege a government democratically elected by the people and to
punish the Palestinians for their democratic choice. The Quartet has
been spearheading this campaign of isolation against Hamas, and in the
process is advancing a US-Israeli agenda whose goal is to delegitimize
Hamas and prevent it from exercising its right to lead the Palestinian
people, even though the latter have elected it in a transparent, internationally
monitored electoral process. A variety of underhanded methods, both
internal and external, have been used to undermine the Hamas-led government,
including destabilization from within the fragile Palestinian political
system.
The US government expected
the first Hamas government to fall in under three months. When that
didn't happen, Washington delegated to a faction inside Fatah the responsibility
of overthrowing Ismail Haniyeh's government, an effort aimed at reinstalling
Fatah. Hamas' ability to rule has been hampered, indeed paralyzed, by
crippling Western pressures, which have only been strengthened by the
collaboration of regional powers as well as local Palestinian players.
In both of its roles, as
a government and as a political movement, Hamas has tried to avert local
feuding and bloodletting, sometimes with the help of the Egyptian security
delegation that was stationed in Gaza and at other times through coordination
with other Palestinian groups. Yet all of these attempts, genuine and
persistent as they have been, crashed into the iron wall of international
sanctions and local machinations and power plays.
Within Fatah, hostility to
Hamas and its victory is not universal. Some Fatah members do accept
the legitimacy of the Hamas government and recognize the need to accept
the results of the elections, knowing full well that this will only
nurture and reinforce Palestinian democracy and advance the goals of
Palestinian nationalism and national unity.
Today, many attempts are
underway to lift the siege that has been imposed on Hamas, and to integrate
the organization into the political process. Those who are involved
in these attempts realize that Hamas is a key political player that
cannot be ignored or swept aside. They also know that no political progress
in the direction of a political settlement can be achieved without the
endorsement and approval of Hamas. Numerous official and semi-official
organizations and groups, both Western and international, have come
to this conclusion, as is amply reflected in their repeated calls for
positive and proactive engagement with Hamas.
On August 13, the Foreign
Affairs Committee (FAC) of the British House of Commons urged all parties
to exercise maximum efforts to form a national unity government in the
occupied Palestinian territories that will include Hamas. The report
further recommended that the British government engage moderate elements
within the movement.
The day before that, the
Italian prime minister, Romano Prodi, stressed "the need to conduct
a dialogue with Hamas so as to help Hamas develop politically, in view
of the fact that Hamas is a fact on the ground." And on 2 August,
the International Crisis Group issued a report in which it questioned
the feasibility of enforcing law and order and bringing about a political
settlement based on a two-state solution in the absence of national
unity among the Palestinians. That report cast doubt about the ability
of Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas to secure a cease-fire with Israel
and reach a political settlement in the absence of Hamas.
These attempts and these
calls have not been launched in a vacuum. Rather, they were preceded
by many meetings, behind the scenes, in different European capitals.
Western participants in those meetings were introduced to the political
thinking of Hamas and to the movement's most senior leaders. If these
meetings demonstrate anything, they demonstrate the fact that many in
the West genuinely believe that the international community can do business
with Hamas.
Hamas is an integral part
of the Palestinian political landscape. It is a mainstream Islamic movement
that is committed to the principles of democracy and legitimate and
peaceful political participation on an equal footing for all Palestinian
groups. The movement has deep roots in various sectors of Palestinian
society. Isolating Hamas is not a feasible political option because
the movement represents a very wide segment of Palestinian society,
a fact that was clearly manifested in the elections of January 2006.
Former US secretary of state Colin Powell recognized this when he called,
in a recent interview with National Public Radio, for the need to find
a way to engage with Hamas.
Hamas is a bulwark in the
face of radical and militant ideas and trends. Policies whose aim is
the isolation or marginalization of Hamas will not only fail but will
also set the stage for the spread of extremist thinking in occupied
Palestine. Allowing Hamas to participate in the Palestinian political
process will encourage the growth and development of pragmatic ideas
and instruments of political action. It will also allow tolerance and
respect for pluralism and diversity to strike root in Palestinian political
culture. The West should ask itself whether it wants the moderation
and realism of Hamas or the dogmatism of radical groups that subscribe
to the clash of civilizations theory.
Dr. Ahmed Yousef
is a political advisor to Palestinian Prime Minister Ismail
Haniyeh. This commentary was originally published by Haaretz and is
republished with permission.
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