Downsizing American
Imperialism
By Richard Gwyn
Toronto Star
13 October, 2003
"The problem
with American power is not that it is American. The problem is simply
the power. It would be dangerous even for an archangel to wield so much
power."
-- Timothy Garton Ash, Oxford historian, New York Times, April 9, 2002.
That's an exceptionally shrewd observation.
About all that can be added to it is that at the same time that most
people around the world are uneasy at, or are enraged by, American power,
so are most Americans. Other than a political-military elite for whom
imperial power is a ticket to fame and fortune, what most Americans
would like most is to be left alone.
The obvious price
that Americans are paying for being a hyper-power, a global hegemony,
a reborn Rome, is the daily loss of soldiers in Iraq and the $87 billion
that Washington will spend there instead of at home on health care,
education, roads and the rest.
There is another
severe price that Americans are paying.
An ever-growing
number of people around the world are giving up on America itself. They
remain fascinated by and drawn to the American dream of affluence, freedom,
and democracy. But the U.S. itself now disgusts them or frightens them
more so, in quite a few instances, than the suicide bombers.
As one measure of
this rejectionism, a blue-chip panel of experts assembled by President
George W. Bush to advise on ways to improve the U.S. image in the Muslim
world has just reported back: "Hostility towards America has reached
shocking levels."
More shocking, certainly
more surprising, is that the Number 4 on Germany's best-seller lists
the author is a former federal cabinet minister is a book,
Die CIA und de 11 September, which argues, much as is widely believed
in the Middle East, that the mass murders of 9/11 were perpetrated by
the CIA and Israel's Mossad.
A similar book topped
the best-seller lists in France a few month back. In London, the wildly
popular show, Jerry Springer: The Opera, depicts Americans as overweight,
coarse, oversexed, vulgar, self-indulgent and stupid.
Specific policy
miscalculations the doctrine of a right of "pre-emption"
most obviously and Bush's personality and style, which evoke
scorn, particularly among European cultural elites, explains a part
of this dislike that's now shading over to hatred. So does the absence
of other ideological causes, which has made anti-Americanism a self-justifying
cause all by itself.
But maybe a major
part of the phenomenon derives from Garton Ash's insight that American
has too much power, for its own good or the world's good.
So the U.S. should
downsize its power.
The source of this
intriguing concept is Clyde Prestowitz, author of the new book, Rogue
Nation: American Unilateralism And The Failure of Good Intention (The
quote from Garton Ash comes from it).
Prestowitz, who's
best known as an economist and trade expert and who travels widely throughout
Europe, Asia and Latin America, explained in an interview here that
the most common word used by people to describe their feelings about
contemporary America was that of "dignity." By this they mean
that American power and unilateralism has offended everyone else's dignity
and self-esteem, leaving them feeling marginalized, dispossessed and
irrelevant.
While Bush has pushed
the problem, "to its extremes," it pre-dates him, says Prestowitz.
Bill Clinton, although widely admired abroad, acted pre-emptively by
firing cruise missiles into Sudan and Afghanistan, while his secretary
of state Madelaine Albright described the U.S. as "the indispensable
nation."
The root problem
is all that power. So get rid of some of it. The U.S. should hand over
Iraq to the United Nations as soon as possible and pull its troops out
of South Korea and Japan, and scale back elsewhere.
Doing less, says
Prestowitz, would compel others to do more. "Today, many get a
free ride, which is an invitation to irresponsibility."
Historical precedents
for imperial downsizing are hard to find. Prestowitz could think of
only two: China in the 15th century when it pulled its fleets back from
the seas and the U.S. right after World War II when it "sheathed
its power" (Prestowitz's phrase) by embedding it into multilateral
institutions such as the United Nations and NATO and the new international
trade and other organizations.
This isn't his entire
recipe. He wants other changes, such as a genuinely balanced drive to
Middle East peace.
But Prestowitz's
core message is: "An America that stressed its tolerance rather
than its might, its tradition of open inquiry rather than its way of
life, and that asked for God's blessing on all the world's people rather
than just its own, would be the America the world desperately wants."
Richard Gwyn's column appears Wednesday and Sunday.
Copyright 1996-2003.
Toronto Star Newspapers Limited