Kashmir:
Difference Of Opinion
By
Kashoo Tawseef
08 January,
2008
Countercurrents.org
"Do
not think you are dealing with a part of U P (Uttar Pradesh, Bihar or
Gujarat. Yon are dealing with an area, historically and geographically,
and in all manner of things, with a certain background. If we bring
our local ideas and local prejudices everywhere, we will never consolidate.
We have to be men of vision and there has to be a broad-minded acceptance
of the facts in order to integrate really. And real integration comes
of the mind and the heart and not of some clause which you may impose
on other people. "
(From
Selected Works of Jawahar Lal Nehru: Second Series; Vol. 18; p. 421).
Like
the dispute of Kashmir on ground, the maps of the State used globally,
also present a view of the dispute and ambiguity associated with Jammu
and Kashmir. United Nations and this world body do not have separate
maps of India or Pakistan. They have only South Asia and Kashmir area
maps. In Kashmir map they clearly show line of control and mention a
note at the bottom that "the status of Kashmir is not finalized
by both the parties". To play further safe UN does not use word
'Disputed' anywhere. (http://www.etalaat.net/english Jan 02,08)
It is still
untimely to talk about Kashmir, using the paradigm of the troubled Northern
Ireland or the collapsed peace process in the Middle East. There is
as yet, no resemblance of such a process in Kashmir involving India,
Pakistan and the various factions within Jammu and Kashmir. Though there
were few glimmers of hope on the horizon, which could have provided
grounds for a cautious optimism, but that too has lost its essence.
Although
the referendum demand is historically legitimate. But India never allows
any such exercise to be held, and Pakistan on the other hand uses the
same unfulfilled referendum promise as a stick to beat India with. Pakistan
has always insisted at the official level for any plebiscite held should
have only two choices: India or Pakistan, This means that a referendum
loses meaning for the large pro-independence segment of the population
in Jammu and Kashmir as their choice is not even accommodated on the
ballot.
Neither India
nor Pakistan seems to have any intention of giving up control of their
respective parts of Jammu and Kashmir. That is probably an insurmountable
hurdle to the realization of this independence, which has great romantic
appeal among a large section of the population in Jammu and Kashmir.
But more importantly, the advocates of the independence formula as a
solution want an independent state within the original borders of Jammu
and Kashmir as it existed in 1947, including what since then has became
the Indian-controlled part of Jammu and Kashmir, the Pakistan-controlled
part of Jammu and Kashmir, and one part which has actually been under
Chinese rule for the last 40 years or so. India and Pakistan would have
to be persuaded to give up territorial control. States with a strong
sense of national interest and national identity are typically not the
most willing parties to giving up territory that they control or they
see as indispensable to their existence as states for both ideological
and strategic reasons. Furthermore, China would have to be persuaded
to give up its chunk of the former princely state of Jammu and Kashmir.
So imagine how intricate it would be to persuade two and possibly three
states to give up territory under their control.
Moreover,
the population of Jammu and Kashmir itself is deeply divided. Although
there are a lot of people who prefer independence as a first option,
there is also a great number whose allegiance is to India. This number
comprises not just Hindus and Sikhs, but a decent chunk of Muslims also
include them and there is of course, a third group whose loyalty and
identification is with Pakistan. So what realistic chances are there
that these pro-India and pro-Pakistan groups among the citizenry of
Jammu and Kashmir would happily agree to (if) being taken out of their
respective countries? How realistic is it for them to agree being citizens
of an independent state of Jammu and Kashmir?
The ongoing
hot debate for replicating Northern Ireland peace building experience
would be hypothetical Jammu and Kashmir peace process as it holds reverse
in troubled waters of Jammu and Kashmir.
Any process
of dialogue must be as inclusive and as broadly based as possible. That
is, anyone who is willing to participate, regardless of their political
orientation, should be invited to the discussion table, to participate.
It is better that they shout at each other than fight each other with
guns. This principle avoids a situation whereby any group that is left
out of the peace-making process and has no stake in it, continues or
perhaps even intensifies violence. The Northern Ireland peace process
doctrine has no mysterious reasons for its success. Its relative success
was based on the broad dialogue table and more importantly inclusion
of people. They were considered as the political representatives. Everyone
was invited to participate and make a contribution. That is a very useful
guideline to be followed.
The lesson
or principle to be gleaned from the Northern Ireland model of building
peace is how difficult these processes inherently are and how many setbacks,
ambushes and pitfalls there are along the way. Northern Ireland, of
course, has been in a much more favorable situation compared to Jammu
and Kashmir for a settlement to be reached and sustained. But the lesson
to be learnt is that any peace process is necessarily a very gradual
incremental step-by-step process. It is extremely unrealistic and can
be very dangerous to expect results overnight, very soon, or even within
a few years. A violent, protracted conflict has to be first de-escalated
and some conditions of normalcy have to be reestablished from the ground
and in the relationship of the different parties. Then only then can
we contemplate a substantive political process that addresses the basic
causes of the conflict:
Jammu and
Kashmir needs a step-by-step approach to normalization and confidence
building between the various parties, leading eventually to a solution
which will be according to the aspirations of the people of Jammu and
Kashmir.
[The author
can be mailed at :[email protected]]
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