Straight Lines: Real Feelings,
False Expressions?By Firdous Syed
09 September, 2007
Countercurrents.orgOn August 1, 2007 morning, several newspapers carried a photograph showing some people holding placards announcing that the militant movement in Kashmir had turned 19. With local dailies in Srinagar having carried the photographs of professional agitationists excessively in past more than a decade, the events like these have become a matter of routine and do not cut much ice with the authorities concerned. A sense of fatigue and non-serious approach has developed among the general public as well towards these stage-managed demonstrations. Nevertheless, Javed Ahmed Mir, the veteran of 540 so-called demonstrations, who is also among the first people to pick up the gun, did a sombre but good job by reminding the people that militant uprising here is almost two-decades old now.
There may be some dispute about the precise number of how many people died during all these years, but none can dispute that among the many thousand Kashmiris consumed by the gory dance of death and destruction, there were people of all age-groups and of all persuasions. The robbed chastity of the women, the destroyed innocence of children, and suppressed zeal of Kashmiri youth, all stand witness to whatever Kashmir has been through since 1988 till date. The compromised dignity of men, crest-fallen longings of a poet, distressed creativity of an artist, all tell the same story - this land has gone through hell because its people had dared to dream of a change. Even though their aspirations were genuine, but unfortunately somehow their actions were not in sync with their dreams. It's been a saga of 'true feelings but false expressions' !
The fast paced events beginning in middle of December 1989 when five JKLF militants were released in exchange for then Union Home Minister Mufti Mohammed Sayeed's daughter Rubaiya Sayeed up to the end of May 1990 when Mirwaiz Moulvi Farooq was killed had the potential of heralding an era of a genuine freedom movement. But with the benefit of hindsight today, one can safely assume that this period, ultimately, proved to be the genesis for chaos and great confusion in the years to come. In the spur of a moment a great prospect for peoples' movement which could have been the harbinger of an era of freedom, was lost. The release of five JKLF militants in exchange for the Union Home Minister's daughter caused mass euphoria. Literally the entire Kashmir was on streets chanting slogans of 'Azadi' (freedom), and virtually thinking of 'Azadi' just round the corner. What could have been possibly beginning of a long-drawn struggle was thought out to be a culminating stage. The hysterical, no holds barred peoples' participation from all sections of the society caused a stir and led to the crumbling of civilian administration. For a while, even people with so-called intellect and exposure, not to speak of young boys of 18/19 holding guns, thought that India has almost lost Kashmir.Only weapon left in India's kitty at that time was use of brute force to suppress the peoples' movement. The proclaimed "nursing orderlies", as agents of the modern state, resorted to a kind of savagery that would put to shame even the worst kind of carnage of Afghans and Sikhs. The massacres of Gawkadal, Zakura, Barzalla, and Islamia College are still fresh in the minds of the people.
In reality, people as well as the militant and separatist leaders were carried away by the popular euphoria overestimated the strength of their movement and underestimated power of a state and its capability of resorting to violence. The ill-prepared throng of militants who lacked proper planning and prospective thinking, proved utterly insufficient in the face of vast resources of an all powerful modern state. No doubt that militant uprising did trigger off a great deal of excitement and hope for a change among all and sundry. People no doubt had some scant idea of change, but they were not thoroughly aware of what they wanted to change or replace with what and how. Add to the travesty and misfortune, even the real feelings could never effectively produce a necessary wherewithal for change. The popular uprising was like a gushing stream of water that had potential to generate power (bring about change) if only it could have been properly channeled and directed towards a turbine. But unfortunately it could not be harnessed constructively.
In 'Pindi Chalo' (let's go Rawalpindi) syndrome, thousands flocked for militant training across the border without even knowing the ABC of militancy. And the worst irony is that a student, a layman, a 'Khar', 'Najjar', 'Gilkar', 'Thantur' and 'Zamindar' (ironsmith, carpenter, mason, coppersmith and farmer) all were turned into militants and militant commanders after simple seven-days dry training and sent back to get consumed as a cannon fodder while facing the second largest Army of the world(in terms of numbers). Bereft of any ideology, conceptually and technically weak crowd of militants stimulated the proliferation of many scores of militant organizations, turning the whole scene into a battle of 'free for all'. Group hegemony, criminalization and pursuits for vested interest became the order of the day. It became fashionable for a civil servant, doctor, engineer, lawyer, teacher and a shopkeeper to join the ranks of militants. There was no harm in it but only if one was driven solely out of passion for 'Azadi' and at the same time remained committed to his basic profession. Once Kashmir was going through the worst of circumstance, a doctor was required more than anywhere else in the hospital to attend to the injured; a lawyer in court to provide legal help when civil liberties were being curtailed. But unfortunately with everyone taking to gun, even a teacher left the classroom endangering the prospect of any nation building! Like proverbial rats on a sinking ship, all these professionals left once Indian military machine started its grind. Whosoever could flee fled for greener pastures; and among those left behind whosoever could fleece the hapless fleeced without any moral qualms.
Hundreds of thousands had to leave their homes and hearths, may be in controversial conditions, but society by and large, didn't mourn the damage done to the social fabric. The era of contradictions was wrongly expected to produce results. Mirwaiz Moulvi Farooq was killed by militants, his funeral procession was fired upon by Indian security forces killing dozens on spot, and he was buried as Shaheed-e-Millet.
Mir Mustafa was killed by a militant organization because he was thought to be a bosom-friend of Ashok Patel, then Inspector General of Border Security Force (BSF), and was owned by a nationalist militant group. This was the beginning of group clashes. Mir Mustafa's son Bilal was killed by BSF as a militant and another son is Minister in Azad's government today. To protest the detention of the separatist leaders who were jailed in the early period of the militancy, hundreds of thousands use to mob the streets for days together, and in the course of governmental action on them dozens got killed. But today, looking at the calibre and corrupt practices of these leaders, who were once in the forefront on the movement, one only wonders what type of leaders they are. Painful it is, but one is forced to think that it was perhaps only for securing their own interests that they pushed entire generations toward certain death!
If the expressions are taken as the real pointer to the desires, the happy-going, pragmatic and materialistic Kashmiri will reflect the deep desire for peace without any stomach or inclination for any strife or conflict. During the hey days of militancy when there used to be unending processions of funerals and in every corner a martyr's graveyard cropped up suddenly, not only the land-grab but construction activity was at the highest and booming. But the thousands of deaths, hordes of widows and orphans, deep scars on body and mind and the festering wounds on collective psyche amply stand witness to the real feelings of suppressed souls.Every society has pitfalls of its contradictions, but mature ones are those who are able to reconcile their differences.
Tailpiece: In the ongoing Indo-Pak peace process, there is almost no space for Kashmiri participation. So the onus rests with the two states to satisfy the realistic Kashmiri aspirations. If the satisfaction of the Kashmiri opinion is not possible through participation in the process itself, it becomes imperative upon the two countries to satisfy the people of Jammu and Kashmir with the outcome of such process. Sustainable peace is not possible without justice; and normalization of relationship without reconciliation.(The writer can be contacted at firdoussyed@ yahoo.com).
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