Model of Development Promisses To The Tribal of Jharkhand
By Sanjeev Kumar
19 November, 2014
Countercurrents.org
The state assembly election in Jharkhand has begun. Most of the media houses is speculating about resurgence of BJP in the state with his best ever performance. Unlike in past, this time face of Modi and his work in Gujarat is being projected as the primary agenda of the party. Anti-congress factor is still relevent to play important role. My attempt here is to try and analise how far Modi model of politics and development is fruitful for the tribal voters of a state who came into existance with and for her tribal identity.
Jharkhand, along with Chhatisgarh are the only non-North-Eastern states in India having more than 30 per cent tribal population. jharkhand and Chhatisgrah has some other similarities also, for example both state has strong presence of miniral resources along with naxal movement. Both states born in 2000 after a long struggle of tribals for seperate political identity. But unlike Chhatisgarh, the tribals of Jharkhand has, to a large extant, successfully established her tribal identity in politics at provinical and panchayat level. All the chief minister of Jharkhand since her brith are from tribal community while none in the case of Chhatisgarh.
Like other tribal regions of the north india, BJP has been establsihing herself in Jharkhand with the help of organisation such as RSS and its allies since late 1990s. The sanskritisation and communalisation of tribals in india is altogether a serious issue which need a seperate discussion. But what is important here is to realise that outcome of this sanskritization and communalisation of tribals has deep relevence in electoral politics in these tribal hotbed including jharkhand. In recently finished parliamentry election, BJP won 12 out of 14 seats but not a single ticket for non-reserved constituency was given to tribal candidate. BJP dont want to give any attention to such issue because they claim themselves as somebody who dont want to involve into caste appeasement politics and concentrate on economic development. They had been claiming that they came into power by making economic development as their prime agenda and want to continue on that. They projected Gujarat Model of Development as the BJP model of development and a modle which has answer to all kind of problem which india had been facing since last eight hundred years.
Since Jharkhand is a tribal dominated state, lets looks at the kind of developmental discourses that tribals of Gujarat had and has been facing for last ten to fifteen years during which BJP has been ruling the state. A close study on development of tribal and tribal region of Gujarat during last decade could make us understand that Modi’s model of development and governance is most disastrous not for Muslim community but for tribal community.
It is not just coincidence that tribal dominated region of south and North Gujarat is one of the most backward region of the state in almost all walk of life. 94.88 per cent of tribal in Gujarat are distributed in the seven districts — viz, Sin at, Valsad. Panchmahals, Bharuch, Vadodara. Sabarkantha and Dangs. 94 per cent of tribal population in Gujarat live in villages. The eastern tribal belt spread over 14 districts accounting for state’s 16% population, are comparable with the most backward region of the country.
According to UNDP’s 2011 also the incidence of poverty among tribal population in the Gujarat has increased by 0.3 percentage points annually.1 According to a World Bank report, between 1993-94 and 2004-05, the share of those Aadivasi who lived below the poverty line increased from 30.9 per cent to 33.1 per cent. In South Eastern region of Gujarat the poverty among tribal remained where it was in 1993-94. In Plain Northern region it increased from 8.87% in 2004-05 to 24.89% in 2009-10 and in Saurashtra it increased from 1.23% to 52% during same period.2
In terms of reduction of poverty among tribal during last decade, the performance of Tamil Nadu has been far better than that of Gujarat. The incidence of poverty among SCs/STs in rural Tamil Nadu was 66% in 1993-94, and it came down to 24% in 2011-12. The corresponding figures for SCs/STs in Gujarat were 54% and 34%, respectively. Thus, there was a poverty reduction of about 42 percentage points for SCs/STs in rural Tamil Nadu from 1993-94 to 2011-12. Urban Tamil Nadu has outperformed urban Gujarat in reducing poverty among marginalised and disadvantaged social groups. For instance, the incidence of urban poverty among SCs/STs in Tamil Nadu was 54% in 1993-94 and it came down to 9% in 2011-12. The corresponding figures for Gujarat were 44% and 19.3%, respectively.3
The decreasing economic resources for the tribal of Gujarat reflect in the decreasing consumption level of tribal in the state. The per capita expenditure in Gujarat increased with the annual rate of 2.5% in last 5 years but for ST it was only 0.14%. In southern Eastern region the per capita expenditure by ST reduced from Rs 830 to Rs 821 during 2004-05; and 2009-10 and in plain Northern region it reduced from Rs 2110 to Rs 1037 during the same period. In Saurashtra it reduced from 1894 to 1017.4 The decreasing consumption level among the tribal of Gujarat also reflects in deteriorating condition of their health.
In Gujarat, the IMR (Infant Mortality Rate) for ST increased from 60 to 86 during 1998-99 and 2005-06 while at national level it came down from 84.2 to 62.1. Disparity Ratio for IMR and U5MR (ST) in Gujarat is highest of all states and national average but in 1999 Gujarat was much ahead of number of states and national average. Similarly in case of Under 5 Mortality Rate for ST in Gujarat increased from 94.6 to 115.8 while at national it reduced from 126.6 to 95 during the same period. Similarly in terms of Under nutrition of Children it increased from 48.9 to 60.9.5 Gujarat is behind national average also in mortality rates of women and rural areas. For both age group (6-10 and 11-14) the caste gap in education is higher than national average. The access to the upper primary and secondary education is less than national average.6 7000 school specially in rural tribal area shutdown in last 10years.7
The deteriorating condition of ST in Gujarat has direct relation with government policies and programme. The Narendra Modi government has been criticised for not allocating to Adivasis and Dalits funds in proportion to their population. While the ST represent almost 18 per cent of the state population, they were allocated 11.01 per cent of the total outlay in 2007-08, 14.06 per cent in 2008-09, 13.14 per cent in 2010-11 and 16.48 per cent in 2011-12. Moreover, actual expenditures were far lower. The same was true of the Dalits, who represent 7.1 per cent of the state population and who were allotted 1.41 per cent of the total outlay in 2007-08, 3.93 per cent in 2008-09, 4.51 per cent in 2009-10, 3.65 per cent in 2010-11 and 3.20 per cent in 2011-12.8 CAG found that the Gujarat government is not utilizing the grant-in-aid of almost 140 lakh released by the centre for SC/ST farmers.9 Gujarat Government claims that in tribal area at least 25 % of the tribal population are getting adequate and safe drinking water at home through water supply department. Gujarat Government’s official report inform us that by the end of December, 2012, total 149228 number of hand pumps were installed and a total no. of 6602 Mini pipe water supply schemes were completed up to December, 2012 in tribal districts of Gujarat. Under Swajaldhara/ Sector Reform (State) programme, during the year 2011-12, 1057 (out of which 156 in tribal areas) schemes against the target of 1500 schemes and during the year 2012-13, 605 schemes (out of which 78in tribal areas) against the target of 1200 schemes were completed upto December, 2012 by WASMO. But If all the villages are getting supply of water how can the state’s own document reveal that only less than half of scheduled project completed till now. Under Sardar Patel Aavas yojana out of total 24498 house only 2186 houses for SC and 5084 houses for ST were constructed during 2011-12. During 2012-13 out of 53615 house only 2684 for SC and 6058 for ST.10
Number of states in India has started land distribution programs for landless dalits and tribals but not in Gujarat. Landlessness in Tribal area of Gujarat increased from 23% in 2004-05 to 29% in 2009-10 while in all other region landlessness decreased especially in North Gujarat and Canal Districts. In 2004-05 there were 21.65% landless people coming from lowest consumption group which increased to 40.90% in 2009-10.11 Increase in landlessness always results in increase of unemployment and causalization of labour.
In 2004-05 the share of tribal dominated southern Gujarat in total employment in Gujarat was 43.50% which came down to 36% in 2009-10.12 The share of STs in Industrial employment had risen in the earlier decade, but it declined rapidly in the last five years. The participation of ST in industrial workforce in 2009-10 decreased to the levels that are half of that of 2004-05 levels. They were observed by agriculture. Among ST Rate of Employment Growth in manufacturing for rural area was -10.67% and in construction -15.52% for ST during 2004-10. The change was positive for ST only in agriculture which means they are being forced to be more dependent on agriculture. Between 1993-94 and 2004-05 employment of ST in primary sector decreased and increased rapidly in secondary sector but later their employment in primary sector increased while decreased in secondary sector. ST’s employment as causal labour increased while self employment among them decreased.13 Meanwhile OBC’s, Muslims, other minorities experienced a shift towards traditional sectors when growth was located in modern capitalist structure.
In 1993-94, 58% of SC/ST workers in Tamil Nadu were illiterate, and this came down to 29% by 2011-12. The corresponding figures for Gujarat were 56% in 1993-94 and 37.8% in 2011-12. Graduates and above among SCs/STs in the workforce in Tamil Nadu was 1.6% in 1993-94 and it increased to 7.3% by 2011-12. The corresponding figures for SCs/STs in Gujarat were 1.5% and 5.6%, respectively. The gain in literacy among SCs/STs in Tamil Nadu was higher than in Gujarat. The literacy rate of SCs/STs in Tamil Nadu was 52% in 1993-94 and increased to 75% in 2011-12. The corresponding figures for SCs/STs in Gujarat were 53% and 68%, respectively.14 For both age group (6-10 and 11-14) the caste gap in education is higher than national average. The access to the upper primary and secondary education is less than national average.15 7000 school specially in rural tribal area shutdown in last 10years.16
At the end of all the facts and figures mentioned above, the spokespersons for BJP and Modi questions “if the situation are so worse, why BJP is good electoral performance in these region?” If we rephrases electoral history of tribal region of Gujarat communal violence also seen in so called tribal areas of Gujarat which followed the victory of BJP candidates who were not expected to win before the riots. In tribal belt of Gujarat during early 1990s large number of bania and tribal elites were leaving their land for greater opportunities in urban Gujarat. The professions of these bania were replaced by Muslim shopkeepers. Later forces affiliated to saffron ideology, working in these regions urged the tribal of this region to attack these Muslims shopkeepers as the sole cause for their exploitation and deprivation. The tribal attacked the new Muslim shopkeepers because these shopkeepers were symbolically were in relation of exploitation with tribal which were earlier held by upper caste Hindu banias.17 These kinds of electoral politics have never been new in India. Hindutva’s assertion in tribal parts of Jharkhand Chhatisgarh etc has started sequence of communal riots in these regions followed by increasing electoral strength of BJP in these regions. BJP could not manage to strengthen himself in these region with same intensity as they did in Gujarat is probably because the strong presence of Naxal movement as well as christen movement in tribal parts of Jharkhand, Orissa and Chhatisgarh.
There is no doubt that Modi’s wave and thus his model of development and politics, is still attracting for the Indian voters, which reflected in recent assembly election completed in Haryana and Maharashtra. Our main-stream media never questioned the loopholes within the Modi Model of Development and now it’s something which is unimaginable. Our parallel media or intelligentsia or other form of civil society had never fought against the recent rise in fascist and communal politics in the country, the way we should have done.
(We are group of students from JNU and DU. We formed Jagriti Natya Manch last year and since then we have been trying to interact with common people with our findings related and we use street play as the means. I am one of the founding member of the group.) Sanjeev Kumar (Antim) [email protected]
1 5 Sept 2013 Indian Exparess
2 Atul Sood, Poverty Amidst Prosperity: Trajectory of Development in Gujarat, 2012, pp 250-52, table 7.4
3 A Kalaiyarasan, ‘A comparison of Development Outcomes in Gujarat and Tamil Nadu’, Economic & Political Weekly, 12 April 2014, Vol. XLIX, pp 55-63
4 Atul Sood, 2012, pp 250-52, table 7.4
5 ibid, p 276, Table:10.5
6 ibid, 2012, p 272, Table 9.13
7 20 July 2013 Asian Age
8 5 Sept 2013, Indian Exparess
9 Times of India 13 May 2013
10 Socio-Economic Review, Gujarat State 2012-13, pp 60-62
11 Sood, 2012, p 236, Table 5.12 & NSSO 66th round, 2009-10
12 Sood, 2012, p 257, Table 8.4 & 8.13
13 ibid, p 266, Table: 8.16 & 8.17
14 A Kalaiyarasan, ‘A comparison of Development Outcomes in Gujarat and Tamil Nadu’, Economic & Political Weekly, 12 April 2014, Vol. XLIX, pp 55-63
15 Sood, 2012, p 272, Table 9.13
16 20 July 2013 Asian Age
17 A. M. Shah, “The Tribes—So-Called—of Gujarat: In the Perspective of Time”, Economic and Political Weekly, January 11, 2003, pp 95-97
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