The
Beating Of Medha Patkar
By Satya Sagar
20
November,2007
Countercurrents.org
On
8 November when a mob of Communist Party of India (Marxist) supporters
in West Bengal beat Medha Patkar, after dragging her out from a convoy
headed to the troubled area of Nandigram, they bestowed a rare honour
upon this brave woman.
In that instant, she achieved
the distinction of becoming India’s only well known social activist
to be physically assaulted by thugs from both the right and left wing
of the mainstream Indian political spectrum.
In April 2002 Medha, had
been similarly attacked by the cadre of the Hindu fundamentalist Bharatiya
Janata Party (BJP) in Ahmedabad while on a peace mission to the city,
after the infamous pogrom carried out by Hindu fundamentalists killing
over 2500 Muslim men, women and children . Medha was a target of the
right wing for long because of her opposition to the Narmada dam project,
that has displaced thousands of tribal families.
The CPM men who hit Medha
and her fellow activists in turn were angry with her attempt to highlight
the despicable operation in Nandigram, where other party cadre were
busy killing opponents, raping their women, torching homes and forcing
thousands of ordinary villagers to flee for their lives. This was part
of their operation to ‘recapture’ territory, that had come
under control of opposition forces earlier this year, when locals- many
of them long-time supporters of the Left- turned against the government’s
policy of forced land acquisition.
Since late 2006 the farmers
of Nandigram have been fighting state plans to hand over their land
to an Indonesian multinational for a ‘Special Economic Zone’-
that was to be used to set up a massive chemical hub. Their resistance
had continued despite a massacre of 14 villagers, in mid-March earlier
this year, by the West Bengal police and CPM party cadre, who also sexually
assaulted women and left dozens injured and disabled.
The beating of Medha Patkar
by both BJP and the CPM thugs, which underlines her unique status as
a threat to establishments on both the right and the left, was no mere
coincidence. The fact is these two parties, despite their vehement public
opposition to each other, share a frightening similarity in their overall
political culture- both within and outside their organizations.
Though, in the larger Indian
context, the BJP and its allied organizations are far more dangerous
because of their wider appeal and support, the CPM’s behaviour
exhibits the same ugly mix of fanaticism and contempt for democratic
norms that characterizes the Indian right wing.
In West Bengal in particular,
a province the CPM has ruled continuously for three decades along with
its allies in the Left Front, the unholy troika of party cadre, police
and local mafias wield power in way that is disturbingly reminiscent
of the situation in Gujarat- where under a BJP regime - Hindu right
wing fanatics and goons work hand in glove with state officials to terrorize
all those who oppose them, particularly religious minorities.
Contempt for democracy: Almost
all mainstream political organizations, which operate within the democratic
spaces offered by the Indian polity, contest parliamentary elections
and claim allegiance to the Indian Constitution, show little respect
in actual practice for democratic rights, norms or processes. As far
as they are concerned such spaces are to be merely exploited till such
a time they are in complete command and the pretence of democracy itself
can be cast off like a dispensable cover over their quest for raw power.
In the case of the BJP, its
long term objectives are quite clearly stated and obviously authoritarian-
the demolition of the secular Indian republic and the formation of a
Hindu theological State where minority populations- Muslims, Christians,
tribals and dalits will live as second class citizens. It is a different
matter that these populations are already second-class citizens in many
ways but under ‘Hindutva’ such discrimination will be enshrined
in law and enforced by the might of the Indian State.
This is precisely what has
been happening in Gujarat for the past nearly one decade where the regime
of Chief Minister Narendra Modi systematically discriminates against
and intimidates minorities using both the state administration and its
well-oiled party machinery for the purpose.
The CPM, mercifully, has
no such dire objectives and is in fact vehemently opposed to the fascist
vision of the BJP. And though it occasionally complains of the Indian
Constitution being an obstacle to achieving- what it calls a People’s
Democracy, it does not contemplate any drastic overturning of the Indian
republic for this purpose- envisaging instead a peaceful capture of
power through parliamentary means.
The convergence of the CPM
with the BJP however lies in the way both use their formidable party
organization, loyal army of cadres along with raw state power to browbeat
political opponents and establish absolute control. And as in the case
of the Nandigram episode the CPM has shown, its opponents could include
even small farmers and sharecroppers who don’t agree with its
policies.
A report of the People’s
Tribunal on Nandigram, released in August, described the violent events
of 14 March in Nandigram for instance- as nothing less than a ‘state
sponsored massacre’.
Describing the unsavoury
collusion between the government agencies and the ruling CPM the report
said: “The motive behind this massacre seems to be the ruling
party’s wish to ‘teach a lesson’ to poor villagers
in Nandigram by terrorizing them for opposing the proposed Special Economic
Zone (SEZ) project."
In a stinging indictment
of the West Bengal government the Kolkata High Court on November 16
came to the same conclusion in its judgment on a public interest litigation
filed against the police firing in March, which it called, “'unjustified,
unconstitutional and illegal'. The court has ordered compensation to
the families of those were killed in the firing, women who were raped
and to all those injured.
Like during the Gujarat riots,
when the police and administration actively assisted Hindu thugs carrying
out attacks on Muslims, in the case of the March and November attacks
on the people of Nandigram the West Bengal police either joined in or
looked on while CPM cadre went on a rampage. The media, human rights
activists and other independent observers were kept out of Nandigram
through well planned and organized road blocks by CPM activists barring
all entry points to the area.
CPM leaders, who have vehemently
denied any of the atrocities its cadre are accused of in Nandigram as
opposition ‘propaganda’, have not explained why the media
– which in fact has been by and large supportive of the Left Front’s
recent economic policies- was not allowed to do its basic job of even
observing and reporting what was happening.
Again, as in the case of
the Gujarat riots with the BJP, in the case of Nandigram too CPM leaders
have shown no remorse at all for the gruesome atrocities perpetrated
by their cadre. For example soon after the recent round of violence
in Nandigram the West Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadev Bhattacharya told
the press on November 13 that those who suffered were only being ‘paid
back in their own coin’.
The ‘coin’ referred
to was supposed to be the way, in January this year, several hundred
supporters of the CPM in Nandigram were driven out of their homes by
anti-land acquisition activists and had to spend the last ten months
as refugees in the neighbouring party stronghold of Khejuri.
Despicable as the forced
displacement of CPM supporters surely was Buddhadev’s claim that
CPM cadre were ‘morally justified’ in taking revenge, while
the state adminstration and police were ordered to stand aside was shocking
indeed. It was in no way different from Narendra Modi’s infamous
statement that the massacre of innocent Muslims by Hindutva mobs in
Gujarat, was only a natural ‘reaction’ to the alleged torching
of the Sabarmati Express by Muslim protestors that resulted in the killing
of 60 Hindus.
The merger of state and party,
the willful violation of constitutional obligations and the active political
support for the wanton killing of innocents shows that the rot of authoritarian
thinking and approval of fascist methods goes to the highest levels
of the CPM’s echelons today.
Contempt for Women: The similarities
between the attitudes of Buddhadev and Modi do not stop at their trampling
over the Indian Constitution or violating basic notions of justice.
Though the scale of violence in Nandigram was much lower than what happened
in Gujarat in 2002 the fact is that in qualitative terms it was no different.
A disturbing aspect of the
attacks on Nandigram in mid-March and early November by CPM cadre has
been the reprehensible abduction and rape of women. A report in the
Indian Express of November 16 has this to say:
“Perhaps, the comrades
should listen to Sabina Begum. For, hers is the first officially confirmed
case of gangrape allegedly by armed CPM cadres on November 6, during
their "Operation Recapture" in Nandigram.
Her two daughters went missing
soon after the gangrape that night. In chilling testimony to The Indian
Express, Sabina has said that after she was raped, she saw her daughters,
Fatima, 16, and Nasreen, 14, raped as well and then abducted by CPM
cadres. All the three names have been changed to protect their identities.
This gruesome incident, according
to the police complaint, occurred in Satengabari, one of the villages
that bore the brunt of the CPM's terror.”
Anyone familiar with the
details of the Gujarat pogrom, with its systematic rape and humiliation
of Muslim women, will shudder at the thought that the cadre of the largest
Communist Party in India also behave the same way. Or will the party
tell us that their cadre are ‘secular’ and when it comes
to rape, don’t discriminate between Muslim and Hindu women?
One of the most serious charges
levelled against the police and CPI(M) cadre involved in the 14 March
violence in Nandigram too was over widespread rape and sexual abuse
of women.
More than 20 depositions
from affected villagers in Nandigram before the Tribunal alleged sexual
violence. A woman and her married daughter alleged rape, and also named
CPM cadre as assailants. The youngest daughter, a minor, was also raped
before them. There is another deponent who makes a clear accusation
of rape, and 3 other depositions which do not use the term but whose
experience on 14 March clearly point to rape.
Other cases of sexual violence
include insertion of rods into the sex organ, and scratching and biting
in the breast and pelvic regions. The Report says: “Sexual violence
and the threat thereof were used as intimidation by CPM cadre’
who are quoted by Nandigram villagers as taunting them with 'Tell your
women we are coming '."
Shamefully, no official body,
like the West Bengal Commission for Women or even the National Human
Rights or Women’s Commissions, have so far taken any steps to
record and investigate the charges voiced by the sexually abused women
from the 14 March violence. Some of these agencies though have been
compelled to launch an investigation following widespread reports of
similar incidents during the attacks of early November attacks in Nandigram.
Contempt for the Indian people:
The CPM has blamed all the turmoil in Nandigram over the past year on
the opposition Trinamul Congress who they allege have taken help from
the underground Maoist groups to foment violence against their party
supporters. Irrespective of the truth in these allegations, the fact
is that before the announcement of government plans to forcibly acquire
land from farmers for the Special Economic Zone this entire area was
a traditional stronghold of the left.
Laxman Seth, member of parliament
representing Nandigram, which falls under the Tamluk Lok Sabha constituency
belongs to the CPM, Ilyas Mohammad- the member of the legislative assembly
is from the Communist Party of India (CPI)- a Left Front partner. Besides,
6 out of 7 panchayats that fall within the area were controlled by the
CPM. Over the last three decades the people of this area have remained
loyal to the ruling Left Front regime, voting repeatedly for their candidates
in all elections.
Trouble started only towards
the end of 2006 when CPM leaders announced the setting up of the Special
Economic Zone in Nandigram and possible acquisition of land without
consulting the local folk who naturally got agitated. According to West
Bengal police intelligence records the first organized groups to mobilize
people against the proposed project, in November last year, was none
other than the Communist Party of India (CPI), a close ally of the CPM.
When the CPI cadre quieted
down, probably under pressure from their leadership, opposition political
groups like the Trinamul Congress, the Socialist Unity Centre of India
(SUCI), the Congress, Muslim cultural organizations like the Jamait-e-
Ulema-e-Hind joined hands to capitalize on the discontent among peasants
against the land acquisition plans. Most of the people at the local
level who joined the movement were in fact long time supporters or even
activists of the Left parties. The Maoists, if at all they joined the
fray certainly came last and did not have a significant role in the
agitation that had already become quite militant by that time.
As Ashok Mitra, a former
Finance Minister in the Left Front government and a life long party
supporter wrote with much anguish in a recent newspaper article after
the latest violent events in Nandigram, “Even the top leaders
of the ruling party have been saying there was no existence of the opposition
parties in Nandigram. The government itself provided them with the opportunity
to grow. The loyal followers of the ruling party declared revolt and
those who were not with them were driven out.”
Contempt for internal democracy: Another area in which the Hindu right
wing and the CPM are quite similar to each other is in the complete
lack of democracy within their own organizations. While both parties
hold regular elections to various posts the settlement of the outcome
is done well prior to the actual voting by their party officials- leaving
the election as a pretentious lip service to democratic procedure.
There is little debate or
discussion and certainly no dissent allowed within the structures of
these two parties and the only means by which differences manifest themselves
is through factionalism or hasty exit from the party.
Through the process of stifling
meaningful debate within their organizations both the BJP and the CPM
have ensured their ranks are filled with only the most opportunist or
the most ideologically fanatical political forces. Even worse the ranks
of both parties, have been filled with criminals who help them intimidate
their opponents and capture power, but who have over the course of time
climbed the party hierarchy itself.
To quote Ashok Mitra again,
“The party has turned into a wide open field of flatterers and
court jesters. Moreover, there has been a rising dominance of 'anti-socials'.
For different reasons, every political party has to lend patronage to
'anti-socials', they remain in the background and are called into duty
at urgent times. In the seventies these anti-socials had reached the
top rung of Congress party. I fear same fate is awaiting the communist
party.”
Contempt for lessons of history:
In its initial years of coming to power the CPM government promoted
the rights of share croppers, carried out land distribution and implemented
similar progressive policies. Over the past half decade though- with
the rise to power of Buddhadev Bhattacharya- the party’s ardent
championing of neo-liberal economic policies have made it almost indistinguishable
from the BJP on the economic front too.
Today Buddhadev Bhattacharya
and Narendra Modi compete neck-to-neck in most opinion polls carried
out by Indian industry as to whom they believe is the ‘best’
Chief Minister in India – a very simple but sure indicator of
what their economic policies really represent.
Both Chief Ministers want
to industrialise their respective provinces as rapidly as possible,
handing out generous concessions to both foreign and domestic capital
and at great cost to ordinary people. Both use sub-nationalist sentiments
of achieving a ‘glorious’ Gujarat or Bengal to motivate
their cadre and for both of them all opposition to their industrial
projects are the work of ‘outsiders’ and ‘enemies’
of Gujaratis or Bengalis, as the case may be.
It is not a bit ironic that
in Nandigram the CPM government chose the notorious Salim Group from
Indonesia to invest and set up the Special Economic Zone planned there.
Anybody familiar with the conglomerate’s history knows its long
proximity to the Suharto family and its role as a proxy for the former
dictator’s investments.
And certainly one does not
have to tell the CPM leadership of Suharto’s own brutal record
of butchering hundreds of thousands communists in Indonesia. That the
CPM has ended up today with the blood of poor farmers on its hands while
trying to grab their land on behalf of the Salim Group is an indication
of the depths to which they have fallen.
Given its contempt for history
it is not surprising at all that the CPM is today condemned to repeat
it. And, one may add, with exactly the same tragic results.
Satya Sagar
is a writer, journalist and video maker based in New Delhi. He can be
contacted at [email protected]
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