Iraqi Miracle –
From Invasion To “Partnership”
By James Rothenberg
29 November, 2007
the U.S. had in mind for Iraq was already clear in the Fall of 2001,
even though it would take another year and a half to implement the attack,
mercilessly known as shock and awe. By the time of the attack, many
millions of U.S. citizens knew full well the real motivation behind
it. Not that it mattered, or could matter.
The propaganda campaign waged
by the government proved too effective for the scared, at large population.
Their gullibility level was pushed to record heights by the administration’s
deep handbag of shifting rationalizations and calls to patriotism. In
short, the population was overmatched.
With some admirable exceptions,
congresspersons, not known for gullibility, went along for different
reasons. Ultimately not to stick their necks out.
A politician’s main
job is to stay elected. This is true because they are not limited to
a single term. If they were limited to a single term they might be more
inclined to assert their individuality. The usual argument against the
single term limit is that by then they are just learning their way around.
But that’s the trouble – that there is a “way around”.
That means knowing who to kiss up to, who’s useful, who will deal
and who will pay. Do we really think that if we had a totally new Congress
nothing could get done, because nobody knows their way around? We did
have an all new Congress in this country. Once.
The media, again with a few
admirable exceptions, took the occasion to demonstrate their compliancy.
Distinguished less by gullibility than by hard-boiled cynicism, they
nonetheless faithfully repeated every administration handout without
challenge, indeed, without comment.
Now what was it that was
so clear to some from the very beginning? That a takeover of Iraq was
a natural way to establish a permanent military presence in the heart
of the resource-rich Middle East. This was not a departure from longstanding
American foreign policy goals but merely its latest iteration. Iraq
happens to harbor the second largest proven oil reserves and oil just
happens to be entering its scarcity mode.
The morning newspaper carries
an Associated Press story detailing the signing by President Bush and
Iraqi Prime Minister al-Maliki of a “declaration of principles”
between the two countries, which, for those still interested in the
real reason we invaded Iraq, amounts to a full confession. Not in front
of the International Criminal Court (that’s not for us) but mainstreamed,
normalized, now fit to print.
Iraq’s government will
“embrace a long-term U.S. troop presence in return for U.S. security
guarantees [referred to in another business as a protection racket]
as part of a strategic partnership…an enduring relationship in
military, economic and political terms.” In addition, the agreement
provides for U.S. support for the “democratic regime in Iraq against
domestic and external dangers” (the “danger” being
that they would be outside our influence).
One should not be surprised
that Iraq’s U.S. supported leaders find amenable the terms set
for them by Washington. What else would one expect between a dependent
client state and its master, the client obliged to obey and the master
prepared to reward useful service?
The agreement specifically
seeks (details have to be worked out you see) “preferential treatment
for American investments.” At this point we might recall that
the clever war marketeers chose not to use Operation Iraqi Liberation
which would be lampooned as OIL.
Cutely, Lt. Gen. Lute, Bush’s
adviser on the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, claims the question of
whether military bases are required is “on the negotiating table”.
Not according to the Iraqi officials cited in the same story who “foresee
a long-term presence of about 50,000 U.S. troops” at those bases.
In keeping with established
practices of imperialist plunderers, the invader now guarantees the
security of the invaded. When you think security, don’t think
of being secure. Think prison and graveyard. The security is for the
government. And when a state of emergency is declared in this country
(just suppose), think that the emergency has nothing to do with the
population. The emergency will be real, but it will be to the government.
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