Precariats In India: Globalization And Changing Employment Relations
By Shalu Nigam
29 October, 2014
Countercurrents.org
Introduction
The Prime Minister of India recently announced the paradigm shift in the labour laws to boost manufacturing and facilitate the ease of doing business. In the process, the plight of workers was blatantly ignored. However, this was not the first instance of an initiative to reform policies and laws relating to land, labour and capital. These have remained contentious issues since independence and there is clear division between interest of common masses and those of the government as well as of the business sector. With diminishing access to land, capital or permanent employment in the capitalistic globalized world, most of the people are compelled to take up work on contractual basis. Earlier, contract workers were hired to do peripheral non skilled jobs. However, today, more and more people with education and skills are joining the band of `contract workers’ or `Precariats’. And the situation is becoming worse for those working as contractual workers or Precariats in the changing economic environment, specifically in countries like India, where other social security measures are almost non-existent. This paper looks at the expansion of `Precariats’ in the given social context of globalization, privatization and labour reforms, which is being advanced to expand business to the extent that economic exigencies have surpassed social justice.
What is meant by Plutonomy and Precariat Living Approach?
Noam Chomsky in his recent work suggested that the society is divided into two groups: Plutonomy and Precariat 1. Chomsky explained that these terms were used by the Citi Bank Group while advising their investors to increase their profits. In this system, the term Plutonomy refers to the luxurious life style of wealthy group of one percent of people in the world who have access to all the resources and are immune to any economic transition. The rest, vast majority of population is living in precarious conditions, therefore are called as Precariats. This theory propounds that in order to maintain the aristocracy of one percent of the population, `greater worker insecurity’ must be imposed on the rest. According to this explanation, “if workers are insecure they won’t ask for higher wages, they won’t go on strike, they won’t call on benefits, they will serve the masters gladly and passively. And that is optimal for `corporation’s’ economic health”. Corporations, therefore, in connivance with state as well as rich and affluent are imposing situations in which majority of population is compelled to survive in precarious living conditions. Though the capital is dependent on competitiveness, profitability, skills, talents, abilities and efficiency of Precariats, yet this workforce is oppressed and exploited through the `process of precariatization’2. The corporate organizations today, are boasting of their profits and cost cutting strategies while maximizing outputs and potentials with minimal cost at the incessant insecurities of this mounting army of precariats3.
The globalization, therefore, is intensifying inequalities where one percent of the world population is capitalizing on the rich dividends while the rest are toiling hard without any protection or benefits4. In fact, the neo liberal order is developing a new set of demands and expectations from these workers and creating a situation where they are forced to work in exploitative conditions5. Precariats, over the world are being paid low wages, are struggling to survive, facing insecurities, have no control over the work they are supposed to do and are anticipating a future full of vulnerabilities and uncertainties. The ILO’s convention on Decent Work or for that matter any such document or charter on worker’s rights remains merely on papers because there is no system yet visualized to mitigate the appalling, unstable, insecure precarious situation in which precariats are compelled to survive6.
Who are the Precariats in India?
In India, Precariats are often termed as `contract workers’ because they work in precarious conditions where insecurity and unpredictability prevail. These workers are hired on contractual basis. They sell their labour yet, are denied their basic rights to minimum wages, or to demand for proper work conditions, deprived of their rights to social security, and above all the right to raise voice against any exploitation. They are often engaged in hazardous occupations which could jeopardize their health7 and safety8. Precariats are in susceptible positions because they are often unorganized. They engage with a particular organization for a short period, therefore hardly are in position to join of form unions. An artifact of neoliberal regime, precariats are different from casual labour as they are `expected to live a life of unstable labour and unstable living’9.
The difference between Precariats and those who work as permanent workers lies in terms of employee-employer relationship and the method of wage payment. `Precariats’ are forced into indirect employment relationships. Unlike direct labour, contract workers neither appear on the muster roll of the establishment nor are paid directly. Earlier, people with low skills or education were hired as contract workers in India to do jobs that are peripheral in nature. Now, with the advent of globalization, educated, skilled, middle class people are joining the increasing band of `Precariats’.
The contract system through which Precariats are hired is often based on triangular relationship between the organization, the contractors and the worker. However, at times, `Precariats’ are also hired directly on contractual commonly known as ‘hire and fire’ contracts. They are hired for short periods, where contracts are renewed for fixed intervals, till the time their services are required and then are sacked when organization no longer require them – a process which empowers employers rather than strengthen the workers.
Unlike the manner in which proletariat was exploited in capitalist economy, Precariats in neo liberalized economy are engaged in insecure work conditions, frequently moving in and out of jobs, working on contractual basis, and at times, with no explicitly defined terms. In such a transient work situation, employers have a choice to exploit helplessness and hardship of workers. Vulnerability augments because Precariats are under the constant threat of losing their job. For a precariat the hope that s/he may be absorbed within the organization, be regularized and may get a permanent status in the uncertain world of work does not exist. Consequently, in extreme cases, their lives become so agonizing that people are compelled to take harsh measures. This pattern has been observed in several places in India where driven by combination of factors such as extreme poverty, over work, precarious employment or layoff, crushing debts, harassment from private money-lenders and their goons are the causes due to which workers and their families were forced to commit suicide10.
In spite of such grave circumstances, today, everywhere, the work is constantly being contracted or outsourced. Precariats are recruited at all income levels to do the job - in private sector, in public sector, in academics where PhD degree holders11 or the faculty are hired on adjunct or temporary basis, in non-profit sector, in small organizations and in giant corporations. Hired as consultants, adhocs, freelancers, temporary workers, contingent workers, those working on project basis or on task based assignments, or by varied other designations, they perform similar or rather more work than the staff enrolled on permanent basis. They are expected to work outside the remunerated hours and must constantly engage themselves in looking for new jobs.
The period of employment of precariats varies from half a day to single day or for few weeks or months depending on the nature of work. In this episodic form of employment, the work arrangement is transient, volatile, fragile and unilateral rather than being stable, reciprocal or mutual. This is a ruthless form of oppression where `precariats’ loses control over time and over the use of their capabilities12.
Globalization, therefore, is thriving on the vulnerabilities of precariats. When workers are in dire need of job, they do not fight for proper wages as for them `getting something is much better than earning nothing’. The relationships are mediated by structural inequalities of gender, class and caste. People from vulnerable groups including women have low bargaining power and in such terrifying situations they further are denied their rights to negotiate.
Also, for a woman precariat, the work never ends owing to manifold discrimination. Coping with work and home, caught in a volatile situation at work place, entrapped in rough schedule of stress and scarcity, the situation becomes tough. Work instability, irregular income, erratic work hours, and unstructured work all combine to make the situation unpredictable thus leading to a situation where women constantly vacillate between domestic crisis and workplace misery. Developing and maintaining network to constantly look out for new assignments or upgrading skills in such enigmatic conditions becomes problematic because of time lag. Harassment, maltreatment, exploitation are used as tools to abuse the vulnerability of women precariats within workplace13.
Why the Army of Precariats is Rising Across the Globe?
Globalization is creating a new system of exploitation that is different and much more intense and harsher than its antecedent version of capitalistic economy. In this uneven and exploitative arrangement of informal economy, businesses gain financially but socially it is an unfriendly and anti- people model. More and more people are losing their livelihoods and employment due to restructuring of economy to suit the need of handful. According to the report by ILO on Global Employment Patterns in 2012, globally, employment to people ratio is declining and large masses of people are compelled to live in precarious situations.
Increasing focus on factors like higher output or productivity, cost effectiveness, flexibility in human resource deployment, focus on core competencies, etc., deployed by the corporations constitute advantages for business, but it also leading to the growth of precarious living conditions for many. Expedited by technology, the neoliberal regime is adding on to the vulnerability of precariats. Google co-founder Eric Schmidt while expressing his concerns opined that “As more routine tasks are automated, this will lead to much more part-time work in caring and creative industries. The classic 9-5 job will be redefined.”14 He points to technology as the major culprit shaping and redefining the world of work in such a way that is resulting in job loss.
Further, the concept of flexibility of labour or contractualization of workforce is responsible for creating a system that is anti workers. Flexibility entails that organizations can hire people on contractual basis or may outsource the work. However, this is a deceitful strategy that has been utilized to diminish the bargaining power of workers Positions are filled with no in-built security but with the 'until further notice' clause. In the public and the private institutions this tyrannical practice is being used to gain control as well as domination over workers intensifying power imbalance between worker and employer. The risks that larger institutions used to have earlier are now being shifted on workers.
According to Zygmunt Bauman15, “The disembodied labour of the software era no longer ties down capital: it allows capital to be exterritorial, volatile and fickle. Disembodiment of labour augurs weightlessness of capital. Their mutual dependency has been broken unilaterally; while the capacity to labour is as before incomplete and unfulfillable if left alone, and dependent on the presence of capital for its fulfilment, the reverse does not apply any more. Capital travels hopefully, counting on brief profitable adventures and confident that there will be no shortage of them or of partners to share them with. Capital can travel fast and travel light and its lightness and motility have turned into the paramount source of uncertainty for all the rest. This has become the present-day basis of domination and the principal factor of social divisions”. In a nut shell, it may be said that the changing work situations due to economic alterations and technological revolution in the globalized world has accentuated inequalities, sharpened vulnerabilities and deepened uncertainties.
Contract Workers in India in Pre 90s
In the broader Indian context, historically, the concept of employing contract workers was prevalent when the small businesses hired them as it was an economically viable option from the perspective of an employer. The system of contract labour was convenient as it denied workers of their status as workmen, therefore enabling employers to defy all liabilities towards them. It proposed a form of disguised employment where it is easier to resolve issues related to unionization, demand for facilities, or for sharing profits and gain control over recruitment, as employment relationship can be easily denied. In short, employers could acquire complete control over workplace without any legal hassles.
During the colonial period, the British employers utilized the services of middlemen who helped them to recruit, manage and control labour, acting as an interface for the Britishers to deal with the diverse yet cumbersome issues relating to caste, language, religion etc. Provisions were made in the Penal Code and Workmen’s Breach of Contract Act, 1859 was enacted that made the breach of service conditions by contract labour criminally liable. These provisions were often abused by the employers against the contract workers. Based on the observations relating to the misuse of the law, the Whitely Commission in 1860 recommended the abolition of contract labour.
However, the practice of contract labour system continued in the independent India. Later, several Committees and Commissions16 were formulated to assess the conditions of contract labour. Most of these were of the view that the conditions of contract labours were abysmal and therefore recommended to abolish the contract labour system. The Supreme Court of India in its landmark judgement in the matter of Standard Vacuum Refinery Company v their Workmen stipulated conditions under which contract labour should not be employed 17. The concerns of policy planners for the protection of contract workers from exploitation during the period led to the enactment of Contract Labour (Regulation and Abolition) Act, 1970.
Later, several decisions by the Supreme Court analyzed the situation of contract labour18 and regularization of workers hired on contract basis in both public and private sector19. A few of the decisions favoured contract workers however there were others which hardly grant any relief20. The litigation also involves instrumentality of the State as a model employer in perpetuating unjust contract labour system21. Nonetheless, during later decades many of the reports by the labour commission and other such bodies refused to make any comment on regularization or abolition of contract labour. The situation today is that the process of invisibilisation of workers continued today in spite of litigation, reform and advocacy22. The process of Precariatization in post liberalization phase took an ugly shape marginalizing more and more workers, adversely affecting millions of families, depriving workers their right to livelihood, employment and of decent living.
Intensification of Vulnerabilities of Precariats Post 90s
The neo liberal regime introduced in India during 90s altered the workplace conditions and transformed the relationship between the worker and the employer.
Neoliberal policies propounded stringent competition and in the demand to drive profits labour rights are violated both, implicitly and explicitly. Privatization demands that the rigid labour laws which impede efficiency and profitability of the business must be changed. However, what is neglected is the most vital aspect of production – the human resources. In the zeal to develop robust economy, standard labour contracts are violated while welfare measures and social protections23 are reduced leading to further deterioration of already vulnerable workforce.
In fact, many alterations that took place at global level due to neo liberal regime also severely affected the local situation and local population. With the advent of globalization, the production process was fragmented into various parts and outsourced or distributed to different outside agencies. Precariats emerged out of this division of the work. Lean production system was conceptualized initially in order to `right-size’ the organization with the objective of reducing the manpower cost. In the process, the course of creation of new jobs was mired. Workers were divided into two uneven groups – core and periphery. Initially, the non-core operations were seen as non productive and therefore these were outsourced to lower the investments.
However, now with the changing economic situation, even regular operational and production jobs are also being increasingly assigned to contract workers. Today, Precariats are engaged to carry out the most sophisticated, hazardous, sensitive and skilled, core operational activities. The neo liberal order has altered the employer-employee relationship making it more vague, abstract and indirect. Gorz24 in 1982 has argued that “changes in the production process had produced a majority ‘non class’ encompassing ‘all those who have been expelled from production… or whose capacities are under-employed as a result of the automation and computerisation of intellectual work.” Recession further increased the situation of precarity as the organizations struggled to manage the costs, evidently the workers’ security and protection vanished.
During the past decade and a half, after liberalization, a large workforce has been retrenched from formal sector. There were no legal barriers that could prevent the public or private sector companies to do so. Strategies like offering voluntary retirement schemes besides lockout have been used to restructure the organizations, to reduce the cost and to `increase the productivity’. Surplus labour from the formal sector is being pushed into the informal sector. Informalisation in its twin form – out-sourcing and lay-off denied many workers to their rights to meaningful and decent employment. The situation became so intense that in many sectors today there are seventy percent contract workers and 30 percent are on the permanent muster roll of the company. Studies reveal that a vast majority of contractual workers are engaged in mining and construction sector without any formal contract. Also, even in large-scale production units 60 percent workers in regular production work are hired on contract basis, as temporary workers or as trainees. The recent trend is that many MNCs are now turning to the practice where employees are generally removed from the regular payroll and then re-hired on contract basis for doing the same work they were doing earlier.
The National Sample Survey Organisation estimated that 7.2 million people were thrown out of the formal sector workforce in India from 2011 to 2013. This scenario has severely affected the quality of employment and raised several questions about employment sustainability. Even now, these workers who were forced out, the emerging masses of precariats hardly have any job or income security. Those who joined informal sector as precariats primarily receive a consolidated wage or salary with no additional contribution towards Employees’ Provident Fund, Employees’ State Insurance, Gratuity or the New Pension Scheme. Malpractices by local unorganised contractors further exploit these workers. Lack of long-term association with the enterprise and non existence of an employer–employee relation or employee – employee affiliation nullifies the possibility of collective bargaining.
Presently, the number of precariats is increasing not only in unorganized sector but also in organized sector where work is constantly being outsourced or contracted. A study conducted by VV Giri National Labour Institute in 2011, found that that 30 per cent of all workers in the private sector and 32 per cent in the public sector are employed via contractors. It is estimated that this trend has grown in past few months and now 55 per cent of public sector jobs and 45 per cent of all private sector jobs employ contract workers.25 Approximately 1.4 million precariats are working on short term fixed contract as teachers in primary and secondary schools, office clerks, protective and personal care assistants. Government, ministries and other public sector units are engaging people on contract basis on a large scale. Around 6.9 million of the 12.3 million temporary workers in the government sector are working in various programmes such as Integrated Child Development Services (2.5 million working as Anganwadi workers and helpers), National Rural Health Mission (ASHA workers who have been termed as honorary workers or voluntary workers), National Rural Livelihood Mission and other programmes. The wage differential is also much higher in the public sector than in the private sector26. These workers, hired to do regular jobs, are paid less than one tenth of wages a permanent worker receives27. The public sector and the government therefore is a major violator of the worker’s right instead of a defender of their rights as citizens.
Also, through forcing privatization and enhancing private sector participation by selling off public assets, the state gave away its monopoly and empowered market forces while deterring the rights of employees and citizens28. In the altering socio-economic climate, Precariats have developed a distinct relation with state as “they have fewer and weaker social, economic, cultural, social and political rights than others”29. According to Guy Standing, “The precariat is the first mass class in history that has systematically been losing rights built up for citizens”. They are `denizens’ or citizens who are being denied one or more rights30.
With the increasing vulnerabilities created through precarious work conditions and denial of basic rights, the struggle of workers is also gaining ground and evolving at many places. Many such peoples’ resurgence movements have been reported during recent years. For example, the Singur and Nandigram struggles against Tata’s Nano, agitation of workers in Jhargram in Midnapore, in West Bengal against Jindal Group, POSCO struggle in Odisha, Anti SEZ movements in Goa, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Haryana, Punjab, Gujarat and Karnataka all were initiated against anti-people policies of state through land acquisition by businesses and focus of the government on creating SEZs. Honda Workers’ Struggle in Manesar against exploitative casual labour practice started in 2005 and grew stronger recently in the wake of casualization of labour. Similarly, Hyundai Motors in Chennai, MRF in Tamil Nadu, Pricol in Coimbatore, Nestle in Uttaranchal, Rico Auto and Sunbeam, General Motor in Gujarat, all are dealing with worker’s struggle all have been initiated by workers who are struggling against exploitative practices commenced by these companies31. These dissents are emerging out of anger, frustrations, needs and aspirations of working class where illiterate or educated, unemployed or underemployed people are coming together and collecting their energy to confront regressive structures of inequality. The changing economy is therefore giving rise to new relationships and new vulnerabilities and transforming social relations at the work place replacing old version of worker – employer ties.
Way Forward
At micro level as well at macro scale, globalization has created misery for masses, accentuated inequalities and developed a vicious circle of vulnerability for those who are on the margins. In such precarious situation where education or skills cannot guarantee a secure job, workers are compelled to take extreme measures and where more and more people are ending up being vulnerable and insecure there is a need to reconsider the existing circumstances. At policy level, guaranteeing economic and employment security becomes necessary to restore faith in democratic system of governance. The dynamic relationship between state, labour and capital needs to be re-examined in the current context rather than pressurizing for labour reform with inadequate legal backing or safety net for precariats subjecting them to whims and fancies of market.
Gorz32 has elaborated on the concept of guaranteed social income independent from labour. Similarly, Guy Standing in his chapter on Politics of Paradise has argued for provision of Basic Income approach. In a nutshell, there is a need to create a concept of guaranteed social security as a right. More specifically in a country like India where common security measures like unemployment allowance, sickness insurance or other such welfare policies do not exist an unconditional, universal allowance, may be created that can guarantee basic survival. The reason being that the payment of basic wages, unemployment allowance, paid medical leave, income and employment security cannot be seen simply as labour costs. These are critical provisions that people need, to maintain a dignified life as workers and citizens. At the same time, there is a need to redistribute wealth which can be made possible by ending the subsidies given to the corporate organizations. Imposing taxes on affluent organizations and utilizing it to provide the social benefits to the masses is another step that may help to narrow down economic and social inequality.
Further, the tool of collective bargaining is losing its meaning in the climate created by the neoliberal regime where trade unions are weakening. Yet, uncertainties are also harbinger of change and marginality is a site for resistance33. This is evident from the emergence of new form of movements across the globe34. Using latest technological tools like internet and mobiles, the young generation, though unknown to each other, is occupying streets, roads, public spaces and digital spaces to create new revolutions. From Occupy Movement to Los indignados in Spain35, the Umbrella Revolution in Hong Kong, Arab Spring, Tahrir Square, Gezi Park in Istanbul, the anti-austerity protests in Athens all are emerging where collective voices are raised against unfair practices. Most of them are demanding social and economic security thus raising hope through social engineering. They all are the part of the “primitive rebels”, as termed by late historian Eric Hobsbawm for the phase of an emerging class, seeking a path of recognition, representation and redistribution. These voices may herald strategic action against commodification of work and life.
Therefore, it may be said that the workers are not passive victims of exploitation and they do have the capacity to raise their voice and exercise agency. As explained by Chomsky, “….If it does, the historic reversal that began in the 1970s could become irreversible. That’s where we’re heading. And the Occupy movement is the first real, major, popular reaction that could avert this. But it’s going to be necessary to face the fact that it’s a long, hard struggle. You don’t win victories tomorrow. You have to form the structures that will be sustained, that will go on through hard times and can win major victories. And there are a lot of things that can be done”36. The situation needs to be changed. As Marx proclaims for the unity of workers, in this changing economy there is a need to reframe the slogan, ‘Let the Precariats of the world unite’!
The Author is a Precariat, hailing from and working in a third world economy. This paper is based on her experience of working over the years and dealing with the Public sector, Private sector, MNC, Nonprofit and Academic sectors in India. She may be contacted at [email protected]
1 Chomsky Noam (2012) Plutonomy and the Precariat: On the History of US Economy in Decline, Huffington Post dated May 8 http://chomsky.info/articles/20120508.htm
2 Standing Guy (2011) The Precariat: The New Dangerous Class, London: Bloomsbury Academic
3 ibid
4 A similar analogy may be drawn from the concept of `Raja and Praja in India’ or the `king and the commoners’ where in many of the folktales the king and his Ministers or Advisers used to impose tax on the local people. Common people were hardly in position to pay these taxes and when they could not they were treated barbarously by the kings’ men.
5 Standing Guy (2014) A Precariat Charter: From Denizens to Citizens, London: Bloomsbury Academic
6 Upadhyay Ashok (2012) Jobless Growth Continues in India, The Hindu, dated February 21, http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/opinion/jobless-growth-continues-in-india/article2916682.ece
7 Pratap Surendra (2012) Corporate Led Globalization Aggravating the Problems of Occupational Health and Safety, Working Paper, Centre for Workers Education, Delhi http://workerscentre.files.wordpress.com/2011/07/corporate-led-globalization-aggravating-the-problems-of-occupational-health-and-safety.pdf
8 Prabhakar Binoy (2013) The risk of Worker’s Safety in India are serious: Scott Nova, WRC, The Economic Times dated June 9
9 Standing Guy (2014) Why the Precariat is not a Bogus Concept March 4, Open Democracy https://www.opendemocracy.net/guy-standing/why-precariat-is-not-%E2%80%9Cbogus-concept%E2%80%9D
10 Kailasam M and K Sundaram (2010) Wave of Garment Workers Suicides in India boom town, World Socialist Website, http://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2010/12/indi-d31.html Also, Sainath P. (2009) Neo Liberal Terrorism in India: The Largest Wave of Suicides in India, Dated February 12, The Counter Punch http://www.counterpunch.org/2009/02/12/the-largest-wave-of-suicides-in-history/
11 Gerard Leo (2014 ) Good People Don’t get Good Job, Alternet, October 7, http://www.alternet.org/speakeasy/leowgerard/good-people-dont-get-good-jobs?paging=off¤t_page=1
12 Nigam Shalu (Forthcoming) Precariats in India: Globalization, Changing Work Relations and Rising Insecurities
13 Preappadan BS (2014) Fourth Estate Comes Together to Confront Harassment at Work, The Hindu dated July 1
14 Young Emily (2014) Davos 2014:Google’s Schimdt Warning on Jobs, BBC News Dated January 23 http://www.bbc.com/news/business-25872006
15 Zygmunt Bauman (2000) Liquid Modernity, Wiley p. 121
16 Bombay Textile Labour Enquiry Committee 1938, The Bihar Labour Enquiry Committee, 1941, The Rega Committee 1946, The Labour Commission 1969, Second Labour Commission 2002
17 1960 AIR 948, 1960 SCR (3) 466
18 Dharwad Distt. P.W.D. Literate Daily Wage Employees Association & ors. Vs. State of Karnataka & Ors. 1990 (1) SCR 544, State of Haryana Vs. Piara Singh and Others (1992) 3 SCR 826, Steel Authority of India v. National Union Water Front Workers, LLJ 2001 SC 2394 AIR 2006, SC 1806
19 Daily Rated Casual Labour Vs. Union of India & Ors. 1988 (1) SCR 598, Bhagwati Prasad Vs. Delhi State Mineral Development Corporation 1989 Suppl. (2) SCR 513, Air India Statutory Corporation v. United Labour Union LLJ 1997 SC 1806, State of Karnataka v. Umadevi dated of decision 10th April 2006 Case no. 3595-3612 of 1999
20 Director, Institute of Management Development, U.P. Vs. Pushpa Srivastava 1992 (3) SCR 712, Madhyamik Shiksha Parishad, U.P. Vs. Anil Kumar Mishra and Others AIR 1994 SC 1638, State of Himachal Pradesh Vs. Suresh Kumar Verma 1996 (1) SCR 972, Teri Oat Estates (P) Ltd. Vs. U.T., Chandigarh (2004 (2) SCC 130) State of U.P. vs. Niraj Awasthi and others 2006 (1) SCC 667
21 Catering Cleaners of Southern Railways v Union of India 1987 AIR 777, 1987 SCR (2) 164
22 Arul P. (2014) Will New Labour Reform Set Right Old Problems? The Deccan Chronicle dated October 25 http://www.deccanchronicle.com/141025/nation-current-affairs/article/will-new-labour-reforms-set-right-old-problems
23 Chandrashekhar CP and Ghosh Jayati (2014) The Absurd Clamour for Labour Markket Reform, The Hindu dated October 13
24 Gorz Andre (1982) Farewell to Working Class, Pluto: London
25 Sharma YS (2014) Following Rajasthan, Centre to revisit contract labour law, The Economic Times dated July 3
26 Sen A (2011) More contract labour in Govt sector than in private, The Economic Times, dated March 10
27 Roye SD (2014) Contract System or Barbarous Exploitation of Labour, People’s Democracy, Vol. XXXVIII No. 2
28 Sood A, Nath P and Ghosh S (2014) Deregulating Capital, Regulating Labour: The Dynamics in Manufacturing sector in India, The Economic and Political Weekly, June 28, Vol XLIX No 26 and 27
29 Standing Guy (2014) A Precariat Charter: From Denizens to Citizens, London: Bloomsbury Academic
30 ibid
31 Pratap Surendra (2011) Resurgence of Working Class Movement: Hopes and Challenges Reflected in Recent Struggles, Centre for Workers Education, New Delhi http://workerscentre.files.wordpress.com/2011/07/resurgence-of-the-working-class-movement-hopes-and-challenges-reflected-in-the-recent-struggles.pdf
32 Gorz Andea (1985) Path to Paradise on the Liberation from Work, London: Pluto
33 Nigam Shalu (2014) From the Margins: Revisiting the Concept of Marginalized Women Countercurrents dated September 3 http://www.countercurrents.org/nigam030914.htm
34 Nigam Shalu (2014) Violence, Protest and Change: A Socio-Legal Analysis of
Extraordinary Mobilization after the 2012 Delhi Gang Rape Case, International Journal of Gender and Women Studies, Vol. 2 No. 2 p 197-221 http://aripd.org/journals/ijgws/Vol_2_No_2_June_2014/11.pdf
35 The Guardian (2011) How corruption, cuts and despair drove Spain's protesters on to the streets, May 21, http://www.theguardian.com/world/2011/may/21/spain-reveals-pain-cuts-unemployment
36 Chomsky Noam (2014) Plutonomy and the Percariat, August 5, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/noam-chomsky/plutonomy-and-the-precari_b_1499246.html
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