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People’s Movement In Nepal

By Roshan Kissoon

23 January, 2007
Countercurrents.org


I spent my 29th birthday at a Maoist camp and hospital in the Rolpa district of Nepal. I celebrated my birthday with the doctors and nurses of the hospital, with the PLA or the People’s Liberation Army, and with the other members of The International Road Building Brigade - who had come from many countries to see the revolution in Nepal and help in building Shahid Marg, or the Martyr’s Road. Our group had met in Kathmandu and we went to Gorai and from Gorai to Tila Bazaar by bus. After Tila Bazaar, there are neither roads nor any kind of transport, and we had to trek through the jungles, up and down the mountains, and over the rivers and streams of the Rolpa countryside. We could not have made the trip without the help of the PLA; they looked after us; helped us through the difficult terrain; sometimes cooked for us; on one occasion built bridges for us; always with good humour and great friendliness.

The Maoist run hospital, called the New Model Hospital, is in Goorneti. We came to the hospital in November, and the hospital had been open for three months. Work had begun on the hospital in 2005. After work started on the hospital, the RNA or Royal Nepalese Army tried to disrupt the work. The first time, they came on foot. They PLA set an ambush. The second time, they came by air, on helicopters and tried to bomb the hospital. Four PLA members died, but the action of trying to bomb a hospital totally disgraced the RNA and the King in the eyes of the villagers. Work on the hospital carried on during the war period. It was just after the bombing that the First International Road Building Brigade came to Goorneti. It was a big morale boost for the villagers and the Maoists.

The hospital has already treated about 30,000 people. The Nepali royalty in 280 years had never thought of building a hospital here. In this remote area of Nepal, there have never been hospitals or any kind of modern medicine. The local people relied on traditional medicine or witchcraft. The Maoists started work on the hospital with the help of some local villages. At first, some villages helped in the building of the hospital, while some other villages did not. After some time, all the local villages saw the importance of the hospital for their own lives and sent people to help. Some 20,000 villagers helped to build the New Model Hospital. There was still work going on in the hospital when we arrived, work on some houses for patients and visitors. We helped in the work, alongside the villagers and the PLA. They were happy to see us and we sang songs and joked during work. We asked about the type of houses that they were building. They told us that they were a traditional form of house, using local materials and technology. It is common for families to help in the building of the family house. Here the scale was bigger, but the same principle applied. The local people are building for local people, for themselves, their neighbours, their friends and their families. We in the International Road Building Brigade were very happy to be here, and they were happy to see us. We saw that people did not need coercion to work, and that people can work together for the benefit of their own society happily, without competition.

The famous ‘barefoot doctors’ run the New Model Hospital. The idea of the ‘barefoot doctor’ came from the experience of the Great Chinese Revolution. A ‘barefoot doctor’ is a doctor that goes out with the PLA but also treats local people in remote areas. In Nepal, the ‘barefoot doctors’ often had to perform operations for the first time during a battle itself, using only medical textbooks. They learnt their skills on the job, and are very good doctors. They teach people about basic hygiene; they teach people to think about health in scientific terms and not to rely on superstitions. They would often go out to remote villages and give classes on health. They discourage smoking, drug use, and drinking by educating people about these things. They also teach the villagers about reproduction and birth control; they can perform abortions if necessary.

We spoke to some of the doctors and nurses at the hospital. Most had worked previously for Government hospitals, but they much preferred the New Model Hospital. Dr S Sharma told us that at Government hospitals, they were not encouraged to think but only to copy. The Government hospitals only treated the wealthy; the poor and low castes do not receive any treatment. Here treatment was for everybody. Everything is free, the appointment, the check up, and the medicine. Doctors are encouraged to think creatively and to take part in the life of the local community.

The hospital does not have all the medicine and medical equipment it requires, but is hoping to get bigger and increase the services it can provide. It all depends on the political future. We spoke to a young nurse of 21, Sushma, who had left her middle class Kathmandu home to come here, to this remote and isolated part of Nepal, to work at the hospital. The revolution had changed her and inspired her to come here - to Goorneti - to work. The doctors and nurses in the hospital are not working for money or for social status; they feel they can only fulfil their duty as doctors by working with the people, working with the Maoists. What astonished me, particularly after spending a long time in India, was the complete absence of casteism at the hospital; the casteism that blights all of South Asia, where so-called ‘untouchables’ are not even allowed into hospitals and often refused treatment. Dr Sharma also gave our group some advice. She told us that we should cut down on smoking and brush our teeth more often.

We also took part in a Maoist wedding ceremony. Two PLA comrades were getting married. The ceremony was simple. There is a statement by the bride and groom before everyone that they have known each other for a while, and that they are marrying of their own will. The man has to be at least 22 years of age, and the woman at least 20 years. The commander married them officially, and then he gave a speech, as did some of their friends and comrades – one of our International Brigade members also gave a speech. There was also some dancing – we also danced. The importance of this new wedding ceremony is that it overturns the traditional South Asian marriage system. The new Maoist wedding ceremony challenges the old practices of arranged marriage, child marriage, polygamy, and the giving of dowries. This is truly a great leap, especially if one considers that the tradition of giving dowries is a cause for the infanticide of young female children in many parts of South Asia. Furthermore, throughout much of South Asia, women who do not marry the man that their parents choose are often beaten and thrown out of their own families. If the woman’s family cannot provide a sufficient dowry to the husband, then the in-laws often beat the new bride. These kinds of problems exist even among South Asian communities in Britain. With the coming of the Maoists, these old feudalistic practices are finished. Commander Prabhakaran tells us that this is not the final form of the wedding ceremony. “The ceremony is simple because of the war”, he says, “It may change in the future.”

The PLA are divided into sections, each of which contain seven to thirteen people; three sections make up a platoon; three platoons a company; three companies a battalion; three battalions a brigade; and three brigades a division. At present, there are seven divisions. Men and Women fight alongside each other in the same sections, and there are both male and female commanders. The present composition of the PLA is about 60% male and 40% female. The Maoists are aiming at a 50% male/female army. All the many different ethnic groups of Nepal are in the PLA. Each company of the PLA has a political commissar. The commissar conducts training, does organisational work, and teaches the PLA soldiers about Maoist ideology. The Central Peoples Military Academy looks after and trains each division, and the supreme commander of the PLA is Comrade Prachanda, the Chairman of the Communist Party of Nepal – Maoist, or CPN-Maoist.

We had a chance to talk with some PLA commanders at the New Model Hospital. A British comrade asks them what they think about Nepali soldiers, or Gurkhas, fighting for British and other foreign armies. Commander Prabhakaran replies that they would like to stop this practice completely: “Nepali soldiers should not fight for the British or any other foreign armies. After all, the only reason that Nepali Gurkhas fight for the British is simply that they are poor. Nepalese have no interest in fighting for British Imperialism.” Nepali Gurkhas have been fighting in the British army since 1860. If the Maoists take power, then this old and cruel tradition will end.

The PLA commanders get their revolutionary line from the party - to conduct People’s War. They say they “learn warfare through warfare’, and that ‘necessity is the mother of invention”. They see the experiences of previous revolutions, such as the Great Russian and Chinese Revolutions as experiences they can learn from, to aid them in their struggle against all reactionary forces. As Bimal, a Battalion vice-commander says, “When people want to get rid of war, plunder, and oppression, they spontaneously rebel”. We saw for ourselves the difference the People’s War has already made. When the PLA are not fighting, they return to their villagers and work or teach. The PLA are extremely friendly. We had a game of volleyball with the PLA at the New Model Hospital, and we lost.

If the Maoists take power, they would dissolve the RNA and merge it into a national army. They explain that there is no personal animosity between the PLA and the RNA soldiers. The PLA soldiers realise that the RNA soldiers are also poor people. Commander Prabhkaran told us that: “Many RNA soldiers, if they have some education, would happily join the PLA”. The Maoists also realise that Nepal, between the nuclear superpowers of India and China, do not need a large army. They plan to have a highly trained Special Security Force Brigade, but to reduce the size of the army overall. They say that many of the PLA will go to the villages to teach and train the villagers. This is for two reasons. Firstly, in order to fight Imperialism and Indian expansionism, the people need to be armed. Secondly, as the Nepali Maoists have studied the previous revolutions very carefully, they realise that after they take power, there is also a danger of revisionists arising in the party itself, and a centralised party with a large army can easily betray and turn on the masses. To prevent this, the people need to arm themselves. Mao says, “Without a people’s army, the people are nothing”.

We left the New Model Hospital at Goorneti to go to Tawang, the Maoist capital. It was a long trek, and we arrived after three days. The majority of people in Tawang and much of the Rolpa district are Magars. Nepalese society classifies itself into two main groups, which divide into more groups, clans, and castes. These two divisions are ‘Aryan’ and ‘Mongolian’. ‘Aryan’ refers to those whose ancestors came from India, while ‘Mongolian’ refers to those whose ancestors came from Central Asia. The Magar are a ‘Mongolian’ people, and are traditionally neither Hindu nor Buddhist. Their traditional religious practices are similar to Shamanistic practices found in Central Asia, and these practices still exist in some places. When we spoke to the local Maoist leaders, they told us that traditional Magar society and Magar values are very different from the Hindu culture that dominates in Kathmandu valley. They stressed that in traditional Magar society, both men and women worked in the fields, that there was no money and they shared the produce of the fields. Traditional Magar village society was communistic, and this had remained as a memory of the Magar people.

Hinduism came to the Magar with the rise of the Kathmandu monarchy some 280 years ago. Hinduism incorporated traditional Magar practices; men and women started doing different kinds of work. Women then worked inside and men worked outside, and the Hindu caste system came to these ‘Mongolian’ Magars. About 5% of the Magar came to be designated as ‘untouchables’; separate wells for high and low castes were made in the village; an ‘untouchable’ could not enter into the house of a high caste Brahmin; and the Hindu system of arranged marriage - designed to maintain the purity of each caste, made its unwelcome appearance. Tawang was too far and too remote from Kathmandu for Hinduism to dominate completely. Magar traditions and stories could remember a time before the caste system, before the coming of money, and before the rule of the King…

Panchayats rule Nepal, like much of India. A Panchayat is a local village council made up of rich high caste men who make the decisions for the whole village. In Nepal, they are loyal to the King. The King is considered an incarnation of the supreme god Vishnu, and his photo is in Hindu temples. Maoism in Tawang has its origins in the village feudal struggle against the Panchayat system. The Kathmandu government used to encourage struggle between different communities, between the ‘Aryan’ and the ‘Mongolian’ communities in the Panchayat, and between the different castes. There was struggle between pro and anti Panchayat elements, and in response to the Panchayats, the Maoists organised committees…

The Maoist leaders in Tawang told us about their history, and the events that have led to the present. In 1956, the old King dies, and King Mahindra comes to power. Six local parties organise to form the NCP, or Nepali Communist Party. There are elections in 1959, but as a response to these elections, there is a Royal coup in 1960, with the Panchayats declaring allegiance to the King. Most villagers are unhappy with this, and there is a period of intense class struggle from about 1963 to 1973. The NCP formed many different societies and committees, such as student’s organisations, women’s organisations, Dalit organisations, teacher’s organisations etc. The Maoists work with people who are ignorant of politics, people excluded by the Panchayats, and people oppressed by poverty. All sections of society join the Maoists at this period.

There is a new moment in 1979 when, in Pakistan, General Zia Al Huq executes Zulfikar Ali Bhutto with US approval – a sham trial and a quick execution bearing a family resemblance to the recent execution of Saddam Hussein. Nepali students protest against this and this leads them to criticise their own King. During the Dasein festival in 1981, the Maoists beat the Royalists in the local elections, and the CID and the RNA come to Tawang to punish the local people. In response, local people begin arming themselves.

In 1989, the people rise up; the government introduces the parliamentary system into Nepal, and they hold general elections. The Nepali Congress Party wins the election, but local people dispute the result. The Congress Government keeps saying they can control the Maoists, but they cannot do so. The NCP People’s Front wins nine seats in the parliament. The government send the police and CID once more to punish the local people for supporting the Maoists. In 1994, the NCP merge with CPN-Maoist led by Comrade Prachanda. All over Nepal, people are sick of the Congress party, its lies about the Maoists, and its persecution of poor people. Support across the country grows for CPN-UML or Communist Party of Nepal – United Marxist Leninist. They win the election and form a government.

The CPN-UML are a revisionist party and they are similar to other revisionist and reformist parties around the world – communist by name; capitalist by deed. After they form the government in 1994, the CPN-UML together with the Congress party tries to suppress the Maoists, but the Maoists come back even stronger. Most people in Nepal usually refer to the CPN-UML simply as ‘UML’. Many people do not realise that they are supposed to be a ‘Communist’ party. The Maoists form the PLA and they expel the RNA from Tawang, forever. A district committee leader Dawal proudly boasts: “Tawang will always be Maoist”.

In Tawang, we meet Bhashanti Magar, the Chief Secretary of the Magrat Autonomous Region. He tells us that there is a problem with the different nationalities and castes in Nepal, and the system of autonomous regions tries to deal with these problems. The struggle against feudalism and monarchy is a multi ethnic struggle; people from all the different groups support the Maoists. The structure of the Magrat Autonomous Republic is that there is one President and Vice President, a ministerial council and law courts. There are sixteen ministers, and one chief secretary. There are nine autonomous regions; three are based on geographical areas, and six based on nationalities or ethnicities. These autonomous regions are designed to deal with the differences between the difference castes and nations, and ultimately to end feudalism and establish a People’s government.

According to Bhashanti Magar, the peace talks have increased support for the Maoists, and they are working with the seven parties to end the monarchy. The US is trying to disrupt this, and the Maoists know that the US is behind the seven parties; ‘When we talk to the seven parties, we are talking with the US.” Apart from the USA, all the neighbouring countries have accepted the Maoists as legitimate. He tells us that the US wants an army base in Nepal, in their plan to ‘contain’ China. The Maoists will not allow this, of course. The Maoists do not trust US Imperialism, Indian expansionism, or corrupt Nepali parliamentarians.

While in Tawang, we also went to the nearby ‘New Model School’. On arrival, the children greet us by singing Communist and Maoist songs, including the Internationale in Nepali. We are very impressed. The full name of the school is the ‘Martyr’s Memorial Democratic Model School’; it was established in 2004. The children are between the ages of 6 to 15, and there are 53 male students, and 34 female students. About 50 of the students stay in a hostel in the school, and the rest live nearby. Most of the children who stay in the hostel are the children of PLA soldiers who died fighting the RNA. There are four teachers, two men and two women, and there are a further thirteen people who manage and look after the school. They teach five main subjects: Maths, Science, Art, Social Science - including philosophy - and Language. The children learn Nepali as well as the local Magar language, and they try to teach a little English. There are six hours of school everyday. During the winter, the school closes for a month or so due to the heavy snowfall; there are no holidays as such.

All of the teachers at the school taught previously at Government schools. The principal K. Bahadur was formerly a principal at a government school for 25 years. All of the teachers are members of ANTO, or All Nepal Teachers Organisation, an organisation of revolutionary teachers. It was set up 22 years ago as an organisation against the Panchayats. We asked the teachers to tell us the difference between a government school and the New Model School. Anita Desai, a teacher of Maths and Science, told us that: “In the government schools they teach things which are useless, such as the history of the Kings of Nepal. There is a photo of the King and the children have to pray to the photo. They teach mythology as history, and the teaching has no relevance to the lives of the children. Furthermore, only the children of the rich can go to school, the children of the poor often do not go, and if they do go to a government school, the teachers do not respect them. In the government schools, there is only parrot learning, there is no creativity.”

It is different at the New Model School. The school is free, the Magrat Autonomous Republic provides all the money, and the teachers are here voluntarily. Like the barefoot doctors, the teachers who work at this school feel they can only fulfil their duty as teachers by working with the people, working with the Maoists. Another teacher, Rita Giri, told us that here the children and the teachers are encouraged to be creative. The school consults and interacts with the local people. Even the teachers feel they are learning. In government schools, only Nepali is taught and not any local languages. Here, even the teachers are learning Magar, and from the children. Madan, the art and literature teacher, told us that even the teachers at the government schools like the New Model School and would like to teach here, but they are afraid of the RNA.

We visit a classroom and the children greet us once more. There are three classes, divided only by the age of the children; sometimes the older children will teach the younger ones. We ask the children what they would like to do when they grow up. A few answer they would like to become teachers, others to become doctors, some journalists, and writers, while others would like to join the PLA. The majority would like to become artists, however. They also ask us some questions: “What do people in your country think about the People’s War in Nepal?”; “Is there a King in your country?”; “Why don’t the Americans like us?” and “Why did planes crash into buildings in New York?” We answer that people in our countries know nothing at all about the People’s War because they are kept ignorant by the media and education system; the American people are alright, but the American Government don’t like you because they do not like people that they do not control; and the British have a Queen.

Madan is trying to teach the children a little English. The ABC is taught in a novel and interesting way. C is for capitalism, D is for Darwin, I for Imperialism, K is for Karl Marx, L is for Lenin, and M is for Mao. Furthermore, Madan tells us that he would like to teach more science, more about Newton, Kepler, Einstein, and about Darwin’s theory of evolution. However, there is a lack of materials and equipment. They want to teach using a mixture of hi-tech equipment like computers and televisions, as well as using methods that are more traditional. There are plans to build another 30 such schools in the base area. However, as with the hospital, it all depends on the political future of Nepal. The children are encouraged to think in a rational and scientific manner, to question old beliefs, and to criticise. They do not teach religious doctrine at the school, and unlike schools in the US, the teachers want to teach about Darwin and evolution. The future will be different.

Further up from the New Model School is a commune that runs on Communist principles. It resembles any other village, but is organised quite differently from an ordinary village. The name of the commune is Ajambari or the Immortal commune. At the beginning, there were six families at the commune, now there are thirty-two families. The members of the commune are mostly party members and their families, the families of PLA soldiers, and the families of martyrs killed fighting the RNA. There are two units in the commune, and there are 19 people in these two units. These units are composed of people from the farmer’s movement, from the student’s movement, the women’s movement, and the children’s movement. The commune tries to live a social life without the caste and class divisions that are present in ordinary Nepali and South Asian villages. The commune has a labour department, an economic department, a health department, an education department, and a childcare department. There are no personal items in the commune. The commune chooses the leaders based on inclination and ability. There are nine children below the age of five in the commune. Two women usually look after the children, but sometimes men also look after the children. Those above five years of age go to the nearby New Model School. There is a hotel and a shop in the commune. Food is cooked and eaten communally, and everyone eats at the same place. There are thirty-two houses in the commune.

The commune divides labour equally amongst all, and there is rotation of activities. People have the chance to develop different abilities in diverse fields, from agriculture to drama. Rotation takes place when someone gets tired of doing one thing and wants to do another type of activity. The main economic production is agriculture, and there is a hotel and shop in the commune. The profits go into developing the commune. Comrade Prathak says that they would like to develop the commune further. They have a growing population and want to increase agricultural production. They also want to develop electric power, and increase their education and childcare departments.

Who decides who can become a commune member? Many people in the villages like the commune and want to stay there. A further 54 people want to join the commune. Comrade Prathak tells us that the first step is to become a general member of the commune. The general member supports the commune but does not live in the commune. The general member accepts the discipline of the commune: He or She does not have private property and accepts the culture of the commune. There is no set period that person may join the commune, it depends on their ideology and thought. If a person works and accepts the ideology and principles of Maoism, he or she may join the commune. All the families in the commune take the decision whether to accept a new member.

What if there is a problem in the commune? The commune solves problems autonomously, by rational discussion and thinking, and applying the insights of Maoism, such as criticising old ideas etc. Not all the families in the commune are at the same level of ideological development; that is, there are still problems with sexism, casteism, etc. These problems are only small problems, Comrade Prathak tells us, as living in the commune is a process of development and experimentation. When the Maoists criticise traditional ideas and practices, there arises a new problem – the problem of how to do things better. For example, a French comrade who stayed for a few days in the commune told us that many commune members asked him about whether it is better to bury the dead or to cremate the dead. They were interested in this question as they were really trying to decide what is better for their environment, for their community, and for their future – cremation or burial. Everything is being questioned, all aspects of life. There are cultural events twice a month, such as dancing, drama, and music. There are holidays on Martyrs day, and on the birthdays’ of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, and Mao.

An interesting thing about this commune, and other similar projects such as a fish commune we saw before reaching Tila Bazaar, is the emphasis on rationality and scientific understanding in trying to solve everyday problems. At the Tawang commune, they wanted to bring electricity to the commune by developing things like solar panels and hydropower. At the fish commune, the Maoists had built a large pond to breed small river fish. River fish in Nepal can be very scarce, and it is not usually possible to get enough fish for a whole village. Here, through trying to understand and change their environment, the Maoists developed a system of breeding fish that supplied enough fish for the whole village. Furthermore, the fish commune is something that is simple enough to make, yet very useful to the people and friendly to the environment. It was in these areas that we had suggestions for them. For example, erosion is a big problem in paths and roads in Nepal. One comrade suggested using certain kinds of nets made of herbs and plants to prevent erosion on roads. We noticed also that many people had bad lungs, and this was probably because houses have no chimneys. So we suggested that they should build chimneys, and to teach people how to build these chimneys. Yet another comrade, who has worked in European music festivals, had ideas about developing a certain type of environmentally friendly outdoor toilets. We suggested education on how to get rid of rubbish that is not biodegradable, such as batteries and plastic containers. We proposed that there should be more dustbins. Furthermore, plastics should be banned. This is the kind of ‘training and assistance’ that the International Road Building Brigade can provide – environmentally friendly toilets etc – to the Maoists and the people of Nepal.

We left Tawang for a long trek back to Tila Bazaar. The Maoists are directing the building of a road through the Rolpa district, connecting Tawang with Tila Bazaar. This is the road we came to help build. Thousands of villagers had come from all over the Rolpa District to work on the road. They are not working for the Maoists – they are working for themselves. In Tawang, we saw a young man discuss and convince people that they should work on this road. We saw him again at Shahid Marg. He had managed to convince some 30 people to come with him to help in the work.
We worked with the PLA and the villagers on the road. The work we did consisted of passing bricks and stones to clear a path, as well as some shovelling and digging. The work was at a comfortable pace, and there were frequent breaks for anyone who wanted to drink water or tea, or smoke beedies or cigarettes. Men and women worked side by side, but in separate lines. Young and old worked together to their ability. The PLA directed the road building, and worked alongside the villagers. We noticed also that the PLA were interested in suggestions from people working on the road; if there was a better way to do a particular job then they would try it; if a worker on the road has a particular skill then he or she could share their knowledge. We also went to see some further parts of the road; over two thousand villagers came to greet us. Most of these villagers were not Maoist activists, but ordinary village folk, grandfathers smoking their chillums of local tobacco during breaks, women with children on their backs etc. We wanted to talk to them, and they wanted to talk to us. They wanted to know what it was like in our countries, what people in our countries thought about Nepal, and why we had come here to help build Shahid Marg.

In Tila Bazaar, we meet Mangal Biswakarma, the Superintendent of Goorneti hospital and a Maoist representative in the parliament. We discuss with him about their plans after taking power. He speaks confidently and clearly about their plans to build roads linking up the country from East to West, to connect remote villages and communities with the rest of Nepal. He tells us that they would like to increase their co-operative system of farming, to develop more things like the fish communes. The Nepali economy is primarily agricultural, but is not well developed. They would like to develop their agriculture, and with the profits develop their communities. They do not want foreign capitalism coming into Nepal. They want to develop hydropower and solar power for electricity, and bring electricity to remote areas. Most of the water that goes to India is from Nepal, from the glacier lakes in the Himalayas. They would further develop the water industry, and develop the cultivation of rare herbs and medicines that are found only in the Himalayas. When the Neo Liberals talk about development, they mean the development of capitalism and the acquirement of profits for multi national companies. When the Maoists talk about development, they mean that work and industry should serve the society and the people, to develop their possibilities and potentials, to improve the conditions of their life. Mangal Biswakarma and all the Maoist leaders are very clear; they know that the US is their enemy and that the US is the enemy of Communism; they also know the US is meddling in their affairs and that the US is behind the seven parties. However, they have a strategy for dealing with the US… We ask him about tourism. Nepal is a popular destination for travellers, mountain trekkers, and Westerners searching for religious enlightenment. He tells us that tourists are welcome in Nepal, as long as they have a good purpose. If they come to abuse, however, they are not welcome.

We leave Tila Bazaar; leave the Autonomous republic to go to back to Gorai, a large town that is not completely under Maoist control, and from Gorai we can catch a bus back to Kathmandu. There are police in this town and in every shop or restaurant there are pictures of the various Hindu gods and goddesses; on the streets, there are big advertising billboards with Bollywood stars selling beauty products and soft drinks. In Gorai, we interview two women, Comrade Astha, and Comrade Shimana. Comrade Astha got involved in student politics from the age of fourteen. She studied in a university in Pokhara, and she was an activist in the student’s union. After the uprising in 1996, she joined the CPN-Maoist. She was a bureau member, then an assistant supervisor before she transferred to the central base area. The Maoists encourage those who grew up in towns and cities to work in the villages and the country for a while, and vice versa. This is because the culture in the towns and the villages are very different. The towns are often very modern and face different problems to the villages, which are still feudal. This practice is a form of education for Maoist cadre. Her husband was also a party member, but after his mysterious disappearance four years ago, Astha decided to join the PLA. She is now a commander. She has one brother and two sisters. One sister is married, but the other is also in the PLA. Her brother is in university. Her parents were not happy at first that she had joined the PLA, but now they support the Maoists. Comrade Shimana is Astha’s secretary. She was in the PLA for three years, but suffered injuries in the battle of Kara, near Rukum. She was shot in her abdomen and her hand. She took a leave of nine months to recover, and now she works with Astha.

Women are thrice oppressed in Nepal. Comrades Astha and Shimana tell us that in addition to imperialism and feudalism, women are also oppressed by the traditional patriarchal society. In feudalistic society, women cannot speak in public; husbands often beat their wives; women not only do household work, they are also expected to work on the land; women cannot choose the man they marry; and men and women do not socialise together, and women do not receive education. There is a tradition of polygamy in Nepali society, and women could not own property. Capitalist globalisation brings new terrors for women; women work in awful sweatshops; women are trafficked to other parts of the world, particularly Gulf States, as part of the global sex industry; furthermore, there is a big Nepali sex industry, with Western sex tourists coming to places like Kathmandu to go to the many ‘massage’ parlours and dance bars. Globalisation also sells beauty, and tries to get women to buy things like skin fairness cream and to go to beauty parlours to try and look like actresses from Bollywood or Hollywood. Nepali women have very difficult lives; the norms and values of traditional society that wants women to be servile workers and wives; the norms and values of capitalist globalisation that wants women to be sex objects. Maoism challenges both of these alternatives at the same time, and has its own response. In the party itself, there are measures to deal with sexism. Comrade Astha tells us about a book published by Comrade Parvati discussing women’s issues in the party, and changing the consciousness of men – a revolution in the revolution, as Comrade Astha describes it. We have seen already how the Maoists have changed things for women. In the PLA and Maoist circles, men and women socialise freely, and the sight of strong PLA women has overturned many prejudices. Women did not wear trousers before the arrival of the PLA, but now it is common.

The first time we were in Gorai, we attended a meeting of the Maoist Women’s organisation. Local women of all ages came to the meeting from teenagers and mothers with children to toothless old grandmothers. These were ordinary Nepali women; women who worked in shops and in fields; women who looked after children and grandchildren; women who had worked abroad or worked in Kathmandu. The Maoists addressed these women and their concerns; they spoke about how the feudalistic and capitalist system perpetuated the oppression of women, and proposed their plans. An Italian Comrade from the International Road Building Brigade also addressed the women with greetings from Italy. She told the women that there was a struggle against the oppression of women in Europe as well as Asia, and that religion and capitalist globalisation still oppressed women even in Europe. Maoism has already changed much for Nepali women, but it will change more. As one PLA soldier told us in Tawang: “Before women could not even speak in public, but now we have rifles.”

We speak also to a teacher, Khem Raj Achari. He is a teacher of Nepali literature, and a member of ANTO, the revolutionary teachers association. He teaches in a government school, but due to Maoist influence, the teachers at this school do not have to teach about the history of Kings etc. The influence of Maoism has opened up many questions about literature and traditional culture. For instance, the great mythological epics the Mahabharata and the Ramayana are an important part of traditional Nepali culture and literature, as in India. They are traditionally taught as Shastras, as religious doctrine. Now the children read the traditional epics as literature, not scripture. We ask Achari about what problems he faces as a teacher. He tells us that the children are fine until they reach ninth grade, when they start getting into Western pop culture. The children do not understand much of Western pop culture, but they copy the styles and fashions that they see on television.

We leave Gorai for Kathmandu. In Kathmandu, we meet three members of the Dalit Liberation Front or DLF. Dalits are people who are considered outside the Hindu caste system, and they are known as ‘untouchables’. In many Indian and Nepali villages, there is a separate well for high caste people and for Dalits. Dalits cannot eat next to the high castes, marry a high caste person, or even be friends with someone of a higher caste. Dalit is the name that these people have chosen to call themselves, and it means ‘Oppressed’ in Hindi and Nepali. Balaram Vishwakarma, a Central Committee member and a leading activist of the DLF, tells us that about 500 years ago, much of Nepal was autonomous; this changed with the rise of the Kathmandu monarchy. The Kathmandu monarchy made Hinduism the state religion and suppressed the indigenous and aboriginal people of Nepal, some of who came to be designated as ‘untouchables’. According to Birendra Raj Shoonar, another DLF activist and member of the Central Committee, the Kings acted like a colonial ruler, with a policy of divide and rule. Caste has a religious sanction in Hinduism, and the Kings could play off the different castes against each other. The oppressed Dalit people supported the Maoists, and the DLF tries to end not only caste discrimination and prejudice; they want to end the caste system itself. They understand, through Maoist analysis, the caste system is an integral part of the feudalism. Hinduism and its caste system is the ideology that perpetuates feudalism. To end caste, feudalism must end, and these outdated cruel religious practices must end.

We also have a meeting with members of the Peasant and Farmers association. The President of the association, Shivraj Gautam, tells us that 80% of Nepali people are involved in agriculture, and 42% of the national income is from agricultural produce. The present system of agriculture is not a good one, and they are trying to develop a good system. The Peasant and Farmers association is present in all 78 local districts of Nepal, and they have about 7500 full timers in their organisation. The Peasants and Farmers association is concerned with the plight of landless people, with their oppression by middle class peasants and landlords. The aim of the Maoist redistribution is to take land from the landlords and give it to the landless peasants. Fertility varies greatly in Nepal, for example in the hilly and mountainous regions, farming is very difficult and there is only a little production, while in the Terai region, the land is very fertile. The land is usually fertile for about nine months of the year, then it becomes too cold, and there is snow. During the People's War, the Maoists captured about 50,000 acres of land from the landlords; they redistributed the land to the poor landless people, to the indigenous Adivasis or Tribals, and to the families of PLA Martyrs killed fighting the RNA.

How do they redistribute the land? According to Chritrabad Shastri, the secretary of the Peasant and Farmers association, one person can hold a maximum of 28 ‘bigars’. This is a Nepali measurement, and is a reasonable size for agriculture. The landlords are allowed some of their captured land back, but to the 10 bigar limit. The Peasant and Farmer’s association is also trying to end feudalism, and to capture all of the land and redistribute it. How is the land redistributed? They answer that they do not accept the traditional family inheritance system, as it is patriarchal and the land passes down from father to son. The land is distributed according to the need of the people, not according to family lineages.

Shivraj and Chitrabad tell us also that women do about 90% of the agricultural work, as many men try to go abroad, usually to India and the Middle East, to work. Men in the countryside dominate women, but they are trying to eradicate patriarchy by ending feudalism. For example, about 60% of women in the countryside are illiterate, but Maoist Women’s groups and the Peasants and Farmers Association hold literacy forums to teach the people to read and write. There is a mobile school, and they try to teach people on a seasonal basis. They would like to expand their teaching facilities but it all depends on the political future.

What about the landlords? How do they feel about this? The revisionist UML party wants to give ‘compensation’ to the landlords, but the Maoists say that the former landlords can work the land like everybody else and get their quota of land of 10 bigars, not more. This is all part of a strategy to end feudalism. About 15,000 landlords were driven out. Some former landlords have come back freely, after the peace treaty, and they accept their 10 bigars of land. They can see the rationality of the Maoist plan; they can see the justice of the Maoist programme. Other landlords, the ultra feudalists and exploiters, are not able to go back to their former land. One should remember that a privilege of a feudal landlord, in Nepal or India, is the privilege to have any woman he chooses as his right, that is the landlord has the right to rape. The police are always on the side of the landlords, as are the priests and religious authorities. When the Maoists come, these cruel old traditions are finished. Shivraj Gautam tells us that even in the Terai region, the region on the borders of India, the region that is most influenced by Indian culture and tradition, the people support the Maoists, and their support defied all expectations. Of the 50,000 acres of land that has been redistributed, about 95% is from the Terai belt. The feelings of the ordinary people are with the Maoists

In Kathmandu, we go to the Ratoghar, or the Red house. We meet with Yubraj, the Vice President of the All Nepal National Independent Students Union (revolutionary), or ANNISU. ANNISU are present in all 78 districts of Nepal, and have over 1.2 million members. They have eleven members in the Central Committee. They are one of the largest student organisations in the country, and they have the largest number of students in the Student’s Union. They are struggling for a democratic education system. They will work with all those who want a Nepalese republic, but they do not work in coalition with other student organisations. They believe in equal opportunities for all Nepali students; they would like to turn the private universities of Nepal into universities for everyone. What is a democratic education system? Yubraj tells us that the political system influences and conditions the political system, and that the poor people do not usually go to universities. When the Maoists capture state power, then there will be real democracy. Democratic education means a drastic change in the philosophy of education. They would like a participatory and co-operative educational system, an education system that is relevant to the needs of the Nepali people, and not to the needs of foreign capitalists. There will be new and different ways of teaching and examinations. They do not like the current individualist education system, with its emphasis on getting a respectable job and a respected place in society. They believe that education should change the thoughts of the people; education should be applied to the real and practical problems that Nepal faces. This is the unity of theory and practice. They stress the need of constant criticism and self-criticism; the students should criticise the teachers and the teachers should criticise the students. They want their education system to liberate and emancipate the people. They want to reverse the ‘brain drain’ of Nepali students leaving to go to rich western countries; Yubraj tells us: “We want to export thought, not cheap labour to other countries.” We ask them what the current university teachers are like, are they leftwing or rightwing? Gopal, a member of the Students Union, tells us that some teachers are leftwing and others are rightwing. Most teachers, however, also want to see a change in the education system.

A few days later, we get the news that we can meet Comrade Prachanda, the Chairman of CPN-Maoist. We meet him in a hotel lobby, and we spend about half an hour with him. He asks us where we are from, and about our experiences in Rolpa. He seems a very serious yet at the same time a very humble man. He impresses us by his sharp intellect. He tells us that every revolution develops through twists and turns. There are complex situations; they have to be on the strategic offensive. They launched the protracted People’s War, but now they are in a different situation, they have a new strategy. The Nepali Maoists try to learn from the different revolutions of the 20th century, the Russian, the Chinese, and other experiences such as those in Latin America, those of Peru and Nicaragua. They do not dogmatically copy past revolutions, but apply the insights of previous revolutions to their own conditions. Nepal is a semi feudal and semi colonial country, with particular problems that were not there in Russia or China; there has been the rise of globalisation and new technology; and there is a need to think of a new strategy according to the development of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. He emphasises the need to experiment with new tactics and strategies. He is very positive, and says that there are favourable conditions for a 21st century revolution. A new world will emerge from South Asia. We have the chance to ask some questions; we ask if he can give some advice to people who want to make a revolution in Western countries. He told us: “You need to have a ‘concrete analysis of the concrete conditions’ in your country. Learn what you can from the previous revolutions, but do not copy.”

It is clear from what we have seen and what we have experienced in Nepal that this is a genuine people’s movement. The changes we have seen in education, farming, and social relations between men and women, the attempts to get rid of all that oppresses humanity in a practical way and trying to find better ways to do things, better ways to live, are all a process of the Maoist Cultural Revolution.


The United States consider the Maoists, somewhat predictably, a ‘terrorist’ organisation. The aptly named American ambassador, Mr. Moriarty, a ‘Quiet American’ is speaking and moving against the Maoists. It is clear to everybody that the Americans are on the side of the privileged rich against the poor masses. Many ordinary Nepalese cannot understand why the Americans are meddling in their affairs at all. It is this kind of imperial arrogance that makes people all around the world hate America and the West.

Just before crossing the border for India, I meet an old peasant at a tea stall, and we talk. He is a religious man who believes in God, in Shiva and in Kal Bhairav, but he also supports the Maoists. I ask him about his religion and his support for the Maoists. He tells me that according to the ancient teaching of the Brahmins, it is now the Kal-Yug or Dark Age. The era of kings, warriors, and priests is over. That is, it is over for them, and they know it. Similarly, when the Americans and other Western Liberal intellectuals talk about the ‘End of History’, what they mean is that history is over for them; they cannot move beyond the present state of things and they cannot create a better world - and they know it too. For the masses of people in Nepal, the poor and the oppressed, the destitute and the landless, history is only just beginning.




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