A
Hallowed Institution That Mirrors The Split Personality Of A Nation
By Jawed Naqvi
26 June, 2007
The Dawn
Far
from having a ceremonial role as originally assigned by the country's
constitution, an Indian president in today's coalition era has come
to play a decisive role — that of inviting a candidate of his
choice to become prime minister. The rules for a hung parliament, a
feature of every Indian government since 1989, are generally open to
wide interpretation. It was thus that President Shankar Dayal Sharma
made a bizarre offer to Atal Behari Vajpayee, after the inconclusive
general elections of 1996, to become prime minister for the first time.
He asked Mr Vajpayee to prove
a majority which he knew he simply didn't have, nor was he going to
have, in that particular Lok Sabha. Naturally, the government fell after
a mere 13 days in office. Mr Vajpayee decided that a trust vote would
be too embarrassing for his isolated Bharatiya Janata Party to face.
And so he resigned without probing his chances in parliament. It is
said that those 13 days were used to pore over crucial files in some
key ministries where the BJP had its first shy at truly federal power.
Moreover, the last day of the 13-day government became an occasion to
sign a controversial deal with Enron for a power unit in Maharahstra.
The American project continues to be in a mess. Without presidential
indulgence all this would not have been possible. By contrast, Rajiv
Gandhi, who had many more seats in parliament following the hung verdict
in 1989, had declined to take office when it was offered as, in his
view, it was
not his mandate to rule. Gandhi was assassinated during his next attempt
to gain the elusive mandate in the 1991 elections.
But in 1991, P.V. Narasimha
Rao, who succeeded him, ran clearly short of a majority. However, he
was given a chance to form a government. When the moment for a trust
vote came he was allowed to retain power by a momentary parliamentary
consensus. Fair enough. But how did Mr Rao respond to the reprieve?
Well his party literally bribed a group of MPs from the tribal state
of Jharkhand. This enabled him to win not one but several confidence
votes that followed, including the government's budgets piloted by Manmohan
Singh. This was essentially how India's much touted economic reforms
came about, by a parliamentary subterfuge rooted in bribery of MPs who
were later convicted by a court and given prison sentences. A more scrupulous
president would have pre-empted these charades at the outset. Also without
a conniving president Indira Gandhi would not have succeeded in declaring
a national emergency in 1975, when civil liberties were suspended and
political opponents thrown into jail.
These are some of the possible
reasons why the race for India's presidency has become heated and even
obnoxious. After all two years from now, if not earlier, there will
be general elections with a reasonable chance of returning a messy coalition.
It is possible that Congress mascot Rahul Gandhi would be a candidate
for the top job against someone daunting, say a candidate of the BJP.
The presidency would be absolutely vital in tipping the balance in a
close race, or even in interpreting the verdict of a hung parliament.
No one wants to take any chances and therefore rival dirty tricks departments
are having a field day. India has to elect a new president on July 19.
The process involves all MPs and state legislators. The result would
be known on July 21.
As happens across much of
the world that follows the antics of this grand office of the nation's
first citizen, there is a nationwide schizophrenia enveloping India
too. It is triggered by the fact that we who heap calumny on a person
one day in the name of democratic freedoms are mandated the next day
to regard the same quarry as sacrosanct and inviolable because he or
she has now become president of the country. You can insult a presidential
candidate but not the president because that would be insulting the
constitution, a serious offence. The same holds true for the coup leaders
in India's neighbourhood, both civil and military, who all are required
to be addressed as Excellencies by their foreign interlocutors even
though everyone knows they are mere usurpers. And how can we forget
that His Excellency the President of the United States continued to
enjoy the sobriquet for years after he was found dallying with a young
female intern at the White House, an act that nearly got him impeached
but ended with a tame apology.
Coming to the elections in
India, after President Abdul Kalam removed his name from the race, there
are basically two serious candidates left in the fray. The opposition
has put up Bhairon Singh Shekhawat, a former police constable (Matric
pass), who made it good as a BJP politician. He is vacating his post
as India's vice-president to fight the elections as an independent candidate.
Why or how a former BJP politician can be deemed an unattached candidate
has much to do with the political filibustering that marks this coveted
race. Shekhawat's lobbyists include the BJP which says that he has a
good chance of winning the office. Given the fact that the ruling coalition's
candidate, Mrs Pratibha Patil, has the declared support of more than
50 per cent votes she should be the clear winner, not even needing a
second preference count. Shekhawat can, therefore, only win the race
if he succeeds in poaching the votes from the ruling coalition's MPs
and MLAs. How on earth such a thing could ever be justified in a fair,
transparent and accountable democracy is hard to figure out.
On the face of it Patil appears
to be as qualified as Shekhawat if not more with a law degree and years
of experience as a state minister. More recently she was the governor
of Rajasthan. If elected she would be the first woman to hold the office
of the president. But she has said somewhere recently that Mughals invaders
were responsible for the veil that Hindu women wear. The remark is being
interpreted as implicitly communal if also rooted in ignorance.
The ensuing debate was joined
by historians, including the renowned Irfan Habib, who noted that instances
of seclusion of women in India went back to Mauryan times. He said:
"It is silly to talk of the Mughal invasion being the reason for
the seclusion of women and introduction of the veil…The seclusion
of women was seen even in Mauryan times. It is, in fact, mentioned in
Kautilya's Arthashastra. To say it was because of the Mughals is like
saying that they brought sati to India, which is absolutely untrue.
From someone who is hoping to be president of India, she should have
been more careful. After all, she is an educated woman."
Having said that, Prof Habib
can do no more than wring his hands in frustration. He is an ideologue
of the Left Front that has hailed Patil's candidacy as a great victory
for secularism. In any case the alternative is the BJP's Shekhawat.
And so yet again the people are getting ready for a bout of political
schizophrenia, cheering candidates whose abilities they are so publicly
circumspect about.
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