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Kashmir- Thinking Out Of The Box

By M B Naqvi

12 November, 2004
Deccan Herald

President Pervez Musharraf's October 21 plea to the Pakistanis to think out of the box has largely succeeded; the issue is being discussed everywhere and by all who care about these things. On Kashmir, there used to be just one line that emanated from the government; 57 years of intense propaganda at home and abroad has made it almost a reflex reaction of most Pakistanis: a UN supervised plebiscite which would give only two options to theKashmiris, to join India or Pakistan.

Now that is a thing of the past. Ever since October 21, discussing the various possible solutions to the Kashmir problem, other than the UN resolutions, is now occupying attention. It can be said that it was Musharraf who killed Pakistan's traditional stance on Kashmir, with no likelihood of its revival. That option is now politically dead. It is necessary to see if any other option can be acceptable to India - and as a long shot to the Kashmiris. There is however a hole in the heart in this proposition.

It is about India's readiness to accept any change in the status of Kashmir at all. Until recently it was only Pakistan that rejected anything less than a radical change in the status of Jammu and Kashmir State. India has what it wanted or most of it. What incentive is there for it to change? The various Indian governments and party leaders have made it plain over the years that come what mayKashmir's accession to India is sacrosanct and will not be allowed to be tampered with. Other ideas to a Kashmir solution, if they involve substantial change in constitutional and realpolitik status of Kashmir, can have a chance if there is a cogent reason why Indian authorities will countenance it.

There is no evidence that authorities in Pakistan have applied their mind to this part of the problem. Flexibility and give and take have been mentioned. But what will be in it for India to compromise its sovereignty and total control over Kashmir? Indians cannot be asked merely to give and not take anything. The question persists.


Musharraf has merely recommended the discussion of various possible options or approaches to a solution. By a process of elimination most analysts have come to the conclusion that he was suggesting a division of Kashmir along broad outlines by calling for dividing the State into seven regions on the basis of geography. Musharraf merely has sugarcoated a pill that is unappealing to India. He has left ample space for other possible solutions. In this connection he has mentioned condominium and joint control.

A solution being actually hawked by the Americans and which seems to have been adopted by many Indian publicists: it is to de-militarise the two Kashmirs, both Indian-controlled and Pakistan-controlled Kashmir. The joint control or the condominium comes into play in this scenario. But this begs the same question: why would India change and accept any condominium or joint control scheme to whatever shape or degree being suggested. After all India has never countenanced such a proposition.

Something has to be done about this hole in the heart. The onus for it is mostly on Musharraf and other proponents of the idea. Don't forget the Indians are quite prepared to live with the status quo with all its inconveniences. To make it shift, some goodies have to be offered.

Hitherto relations between the two countries have been largely hostile, with much ill will. The constant cold war between them has left a residue that has reduced the normal power and influence of both countries. India is certainly a potential great power. While Pakistan does not equal it, it is not entirely without some importance and influence, particularly in the so-called Islamic world. If this relationship can be recast into one of friendly cooperation, it will unlock many doors.

There is also something unique about the India and Pakistan relationship. The two cannot be wholly indifferent and distinct from each other; they can be close friends and also enemies.

There is something of exceptional value that Pakistan and India can achieve, apart from the creation of more wealth, which alone will be no mean achievement. The thousand and one commonalities between them, if given free play, can create a lot of satisfaction all around.


Think of the situation when Indian and Pakistani diplomacy would cooperate. In the third world counsels, a proposition would become acceptable to all the third world, if the two cooperate. Let us say with Pakistan facilitating India's entry into OIC (for whatever it is worth) or supporting India's claim to a permanent UN Security Council seat, the state of international opinion would be radically different. But most of all, the immense benefit would accrue to both in the field of arts and culture, not to mention scientific and technological cooperation.

Above all else, SAARC can be revived, well and truly, into something that not merely works but achieves exemplary results. After all, South Asia has a wonderful resource base. That alone is a price that should tempt India. Anyhow other than this, there can be nothing more tempting from
Pakistan's side than political, economic and cultural partnership. And again as a long shot, Kashmiris can be won over by both Pakistan and India jointly and life can be easier all around.


 

 

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