David Hume And A Treatise of Narendra Modi: Infusion of Religious Nationalism, Cult And Neoliberalism
By Richard Kamei
25 April, 2014
Countercurrents.org
The Underpinnings of David Hume
The main premise of this study aims to posit David Hume's philosophy into the contemporary political context of India thereby delineating into the discourse of neoliberalism, nationalism and religion, and politics of Narendra Modi. The objective of this study is to understand the relevance of David Hume in picturing what the political discourse of Narendra Modi can offer to India and the challenges it pose. David Hume was once considered a controversial figure especially for his views on religion. Today he has been heralded as a thinker who applied empiricism in understanding the surroundings based on perceptions, metaphysics, etc. Experience is studied in detail by David Hume in correlating with the aspect of “cause and effect”. In the history of mankind, Hume noted that the quest for knowledge always ends up with an “easy and obvious philosophy”. He casts a doubt over the reliability of this generality that stands far from reasoning .
David Hume (1711-1776) is considered as one of the pioneering philosophers to have ever penned in English. Apart from being known as a philosopher, he is also counted as an historian and essayist (Morris, 2013; Harris, 1966: 88). He did lots of his readings and writings while working as a librarian (Harris, 1966: 88).Hume's contribution to philosophy are A Treatise of Human Nature (1739-1740), the Enquiries concerning Human Understanding (1748) and concerning the Principles of Morals (1751), and last but not the least Dialogues concerning Natural Religion (1779) which is posthumously published later. Hume's works on atheism and scepticism have received a mixed response, yet his influence cannot be ignored. His work is reflected in his close friend, Adam Smith's works of moral philosophy and economics. He is also well acknowledged by the likes of Immanuel Kant, Jeremy Bentham, Charles Darwin, Thomas Henry Huxley etc. Hume's work on empiricism is well received by diverse sections of writers and thinkers, and on similar path, he is considered to be a milestone for cognitive science, and also on naturalism (Morris, 2013).
Perceptions about surroundings and its understanding are centred on human sensory organs. As Hume described about impressions, he embodies ideas, thoughts and content of mind to it, a characteristic of consciousness. Experience is where formation of knowledge begins which is empirical in its truest sense. The role sensations play in experience cannot be negated. Overall Hume's argument is indicative of positivist and reductionist approach, and got resonated in his “cause and effect” reasoning (Faruki, 1993: 156).
The consciousness of human through mind, judgement, belief, and self-awareness will resort to metaphysical elements which in turn may descend to sensory input. U nderstanding how human arrive at knowledge remains a complexity which according to Hume is explained by positivism and empiricism over custom or habit. This postulate is taken as a massive edifice of the human understanding. With this, Hume's approach is being considered to be identifiable with empiricist and rationalist perspective (ibid: 157-158). While in his work “Enquiry”, he explained that metaphysics should be dealt with properly to cultivate a will in destroying falsified notions attached with metaphysics. He argued further that there is nothing as such called “true metaphysics”. By this admission, he strived to reform the discourse of philosophy with clarity on reality, empiricism, scientific approach etc.
At the same time, Hume cautioned over the possible hostility that may confront metaphysics. Hostility is unjustified according to Hume. He stated that metaphysics should be countered with facts and reasoning. The principle of metaphysics does not thrive in speculation which is beyond the perception of sense and reasoning. Making an inquiring to grasp an understanding of human being will contribute a lot to knowledge than adulterated metaphysics (Morris, 2013).
Hume deconstructed the thaws surrounding morality. People based their approach to life heavily on morality. Hume made an effort in making people doubt about how reliable are the laws of nature, and the understanding inferred from beyond the mind. He relied on the experiences of an individual, and how it shapes the principles of life. Rationality can refine the principles derived from experiences (Harris, 2011: 42). He rejected the principles of morality in his work. He overtly called for allowing hypotheses based on reasoning, observation and experience to precede over moral philosophy which is devoid of rationality (Morris, 2013).
Substantiating the need in reforming philosophy, Hume narrowed it down to two aspects- one is to do away with the elements of metaphysics and giving way for empirical standpoint of human nature. He narrated that while we cannot go further in the search for the meaning beyond what is being offered by senses and experiences; the search should continue to instill a holistic approach in philosophy. In this context, he mentioned that complex ideas are a set of simple ideas constituting an impression that are in resemblance to each other. The simpler ideas correspond to others, leading to “Copy Principle” where empiricism is embedded in it (ibid). He treats the “Copy Principle” as a means to put forth his empiricism. He explained this through a shade of blue to validate “Copy Principle”. The premise of “Copy Principle” is on a person who is supposed to have enjoyed his sight for a good thirty years wherein he is acquainted with varied colours (ibid).
Human capacity to connect ideas has a gap to which there is a disconnection to the aspects of not being theoretical and rational. Ideas being framed are turning out to be hovering around sensations perceived internally from within. Hume develops three associations to understand ideas. They are cause and effect, contiguity, and resemblance. He endorses causation than the other two- contiguity, and resemblance. He opined that it is in causation where the scope for further understanding about human nature exists. Going beyond one's memory and senses is possible by resorting to the principles of causation. Causation can link between the experiences of past and present where events are intertwined in it. The matter which is under concerned at any given point or time lies in the continuum of cause and effect (ibid).
As “cause and effects” rely heavily on the experiences, that in certain instances the judgements look immediate when the matter is studied deeper. Conclusions made from experiences are also inferred from past experiences or related experiences occurring around. Understanding of experiences should go beyond reasoning by delving into a process called demonstrative which looks into a set of ideas and relations among them, and also the account of probability concerning matters in terms of their existence, and its fact (ibid).
Religious Nationalism
David Hume in explaining religion he chose not to dissociate himself from religion completely while criticising against the connotations attached to religion in the form of supernatural elements. He was neither a theist nor an atheist; the scepticism in him can place his position as agnostic (Mossner, 1978: 653). He was outspoken of his views on religion in his writings. The manner in which he engaged with religion is in incremental fashion. It began in his work, “the Treatise” and ended with “the Dialogues”. Other works of Hume that either engaged or went against supernatural elements of religion are the Treatise of Human Nature (1739-40), the Abstract of a Treatise (1740), the Letter from a Gentleman (1745), and the Essays Moral and Political (1740-48) (ibid: 654).
David Hume while asserting the abstractions the belief in religion has endowed on its followers, concealed about how faith makes people believe things by suppressing his or her capability to reason the truth. People tend to believe in something which is far from the experience deviating away from the crux of the reality. The association of morality to virtues like celibacy, fasting, penance, mortification, self-denial, humility, silence, solitude etc are a matter of obscuring the realisation of realities (ibid: 656-657).
In the political discourse there is a room for secularism, and not for fundamentalism of religion. The narrow minded interest stems out of religion and patriotism will cast a catastrophe to the functioning of a society. The popularity of a person infused with patriotism and religion beliefs may lead to a hunger for power which is a sign of tyranny. Hume's stance on religion is without doubt a clear position of secularist and in that line he explained that the true spirit of religion lies in conforming to the law of a state thereby putting forth the values of obedience, pragmatism and secularism. Strengthening his arguments against the metaphysical aspect in religion, Hume in his work “ The Natural History of Religion” , as mentioned in Mossner's “ The Religion of David Hume ”, postulates on the origin of religion: "What a noble privilege is it of human reason to attain the knowledge of the supreme being; and, from the visible works of nature, be enabled to infer so sublime a principle as its supreme Creator (ibid: 658)?”
The consistency in his criticism against religion in the path of his work leaves no stone unturned. He masterfully criticised religion with sarcasm or irony in his bid to trample the superstitious beliefs and practices associated with religion. He also took a dig at the credibility of clergy (ibid: 659). Religion in any aspects it stands for, should do away with worshipping of the supernatural elements it embodies with. Religion should also move away from its reliance on the forces of nature. Hume went on to add that religion should encompass the manifestations of true worth of humanity complemented by the augmentation of knowledge (ibid: 662).
David Hume's stance on religion remains critical, and it is discussed at length in his work “The Natural History of Religion” which throws a light on an account of the religious beliefs and its development. He gave an insight on the non-rational components of religion, and cautioned of the ill-effects it casts on the present form of religion. Religion started off as a mechanism to come in terms with uncontrollable natural phenomena like earthquakes, floods, diseases etc. Religion in its initial phase was polytheistic to which David Hume finds no fault as it embraces diversity. Over a period of time, polytheism is replaced by monotheism . The problem with monotheism is placing one deity as a supreme entity over parallel or other deities. Monotheism is absurd in its truest sense as it is intolerant to diversity without resorting to reasoning, and thus will dent the harmony of a society (Morris, 2013).
The arena of David Hume's position in the world's politics can be explained in terms of how he posits upon individual. According to him, it is individual that led to society built on the premise of sympathy and harmony within them. Society gives rise to a state, followed by a nation or a country. Hume is flexible in putting forth these terms and their relevance in a functioning society (Haar, 2008: 227). He further went on to explain the essence of nationalism by focusing on the eruption of national sense based on varying degree of positive and direct experiences. Direct experience includes of the sense of belongingness to a nation from the admiration of common property, landscape etc. Indirect experience is perceived as derived from lived experiences for example the economic well-being, sports, the achievement of science etc that has common feature to almost everyone. His belief in nationalism can be drawn from how he made a statement that in the name of his country he can ‘spill a drop of blood'. He added that the feeling of nationalism resides in any individual and equated it to the allegiance for one's family. He upholds his belief in an empirical way on being an intrinsic element to human beings (ibid: 228).
David Hume emphasised further by stating that the allegiance one has for acquaintance/closed ones, and for people who are remote to us, is different. There is more affinity to people surrounding us or whom we are familiar with, than to foreigners. The cohesion in such condition is a fodder for nation building. The interesting thing about Hume is that inspite of his endorsement for nationalism; he called for a restrain to an extent at the same time. In substantiating his stance, he cited of scholars who penned their writings with an inkling of patriotism should be taken as insincere. The reason he offered is that extreme nationalism can turn one into being self righteous and narrow minded in defending themselves. In a way, Hume takes a central role in nationalism- an instance of this is his refusal to endorse the break-up of English-Scottish Union in the year 1707 despite his admission of this union as a failure (ibid: 228-229).
In similar fashion, Ramachandra Guha in his article entitled “the Fear of Fascism” traced the origin of the term “Hindu nationalist” in the early 1990s, which is defined as an infusion of Bharatiya Janata Party and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in a common ideology. Guha further said that the term “Hindu nationalist” is an oxymoron, and if so, it is against the principles of the Indian Constitution. Guha believes that one be a nationalist and a Hindu at the same time but not “Hindu nationalist” (Guha, 2014).
Modi being a life long member of RSS, is beyond doubt when he resorted to proclaim himself as “Hindu Nationalist”. The ideology of “Hindu nationalism” is irrelevant in a democratic country like India . A look into the historical figures like Gandhi, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad etc give a cue on why nationalism linked to religion does not merit a path for the co-existence of different communities in a nation. “Indian Nationalism” supersedes the rest and none, in India . In secularism one can be religious and identify with “Indian nationalism” at the same time (Puniyani, 2013).
“ Hindu nationalism” propagates exclusivity and divisiveness; and they believe in building a Hindu nation. While Indian nationalism is rooted in inclusivity which is said to be connected to the real issues of the world, and takes into account of the issues of the poor, marginalised and minority communities. Neighbouring countries have already bore the brunt of nationalism linked with religion and remains a threat to the fabric of the nation. Myanmar , Sri Lanka , and Pakistan etc are a testimony of religious nationalism in creating havoc to their nations (ibid).
Modi and his “Hindu nationalism” that reek of communalism will only deepen the sectarian divisions. His role in the 2002 Gujarat riots remains a blot to his image, and to this day he is still being accused of orchestrating the riots (Singh, 2013). The phenomenal rise of Modi in the recent years cannot be ignored, and now that he is pitching himself to lead India , his past images cannot be whisked away by a mere rhetoric of “Gujarat Model” and the development promise he offers.
As trajectory of Hume's approach to nationalism moves forward, he unleashed a space for accommodating international relations with neighbouring countries. He endorsed building a cordial relationship with other countries to instill amity and cooperation in aspects related to social harmony, trade and commerce. With that, he laid a room for mutual cooperation among different countries to evoke a sense of internationalism. He held the same for within a nation state to respect diversity, inculcate co-existence, and to separate supernatural or metaphysical elements of religion from nationalism (Haar, 2008: 229-230). The projection of Hindu nationalism as per David Hume's standpoint will be a threat to India 's democracy and secularism. The minorities, Dalits and Adivasis, or any group that does not ascribe to Hindu nationalism will not be taken into account as a citizen in the Hindu nation propounded by Modi and his supporters. The looming division to social fabric in India which Hindu nationalism signals, can clear a path for the advent of fascism. Fascism will not tolerate any dissent leading to fear, hatred and insecurity among people which can serves as a recipe for the break-up of a nation.
The Cult of Political Figure
The political discourse is by and large synonymous with rhetoric drawn from exaggeration and the opportune to draw public attention. To this, David Hume adds that the metaphysical elements dotted conspicuously in politics should be scrapped and instead embraces political thought with an empirical approach. He famously rejects metaphysical elements in political thought, preferring a strictly empirical approach (ibid: 232). The formation of political thought according to Hume has its base on impressions. He then defended impressions to be a resultant of pure sensations that reflects on individuals. In the same line, he brought up “passions” which is equated to “emotions” and is reflective to individual. Passion is considered to be always in requirement of an object to constitute an emotion (Kalinowski, 1993: 361) .
Hume opined that the passion has a scope to understand human nature. He differentiates impressions into “calm passions” and “violent passions”. He has his contention on “violent passions” which is closely attached to ideas and objects. Emotions emanated from “violent passions” are intense smeared with self-consciousness, and is far from the capacity of reasoning (ibid: 362). “Calm passions” is viewed as an entity which is more objective and rational than “violent passions”. He linked “calm passions” to being objective and “violent passions to being subjective” (ibid: 362). He then went on to say that the backgrounds of his explanation on the pursuits of human are to do with the self-interest. Self-interests play an overbearing role in economics that blurs the line between private and public property (ibid: 371).
Hume is critical about war on the bearings it has on the realm of politics, economics and legality aspects. He viewed war as a celebration of violence by keeping justice at bay. Warring countries are delusional about the principles of justice. Violence for violence becomes the law of war. He contextualised his views on the implication war has, on free commerce, labours, market etc. Wars cost a lot of money and put a nation on a humongous debt which eventually will affect common people and keeps a restraint on the freedom of the people (Haar, 2008: 234). Hume stated of the power of people wherein it is public opinion that guides and frames politics. Experience is perceived as a prerequisite to dismantle abstract and speculative views. In a way, democracy is the undertone of Hume's approach to politics which is besotted with people power in maintaining a just and peaceful society (Harris, 2011: 45).
Hume throws a light on the concept of justice in a society. He opined that justice should not be conclusive from a single case. Justice in a society should take cognizant of the given context, and circumstances, and overall on how it is perceived in general. He cited an example of justice between two sets of society. First one on a small society where the need of justice does not arise for a simple reason that regulating property is not needed. On the second set of society, he takes to a case of large family where managing members becomes difficult due to its large size, and thus arises the need of justice. Justice in a society according to Hume is related to property. Justice came into being in a society to regulate property in serving the interests of the public (Morris, 2013).
Hume believes that in understanding the political discourse, one cannot discount the relatedness and the connection to history or origin (ibid). Hume sees that a historical account is needed to put forth the importance of custom, habit, and private interest in laying down a path for the state to function by accommodating various aspects like institutionalising objectivity, humanity etc (Kalinowski, 1993) . Human choices and their actions are pivotal to shaping politics by maintaining a distance from the malaises of superstitions, and situating the underpinnings of society, political and social life, and government (Morris, 2013). This position of Hume can be contextualised into the contemporary political discourse of Narendra Modi and his party BJP where right wing ideology is taking a centre stage masking behind the promise of “development”. The fear surrounding Narendra Modi should be acknowledged in every possible ways, and to be not carried away by the hype of “development”. The rise of Narendra Modi is seen as a detrimental to the fabric of democracy of India where he is overtly intolerant to minorities and any dissent that crossed his path. Evidences tell that Modi's government is known for intimidation in clamping down the voices of artists and writers in Gujarat (Guha, 2014). Supporters of Modi are widely known for the propaganda running heavily in the social media platform of internet targetting the youth and middle class, and upper class. The propaganda they carry, is full of lies by distorting facts to score political points. This propaganda will cost the thriving of a democracy built on co-existence, secularism, harmony etc. It is a well known fact that Modi's ideology has its roots in the RSS which can be detrimental to the Indian Constitution. His association with RSS as a lifelong member will bear an overarching role to the possibility of the creation of a Hindu theocratic state (ibid).
Echoing the chorus of Sophocles' Antiglone, Hume cautions about the culture of hero-worshipping. The implicit nature of hero-worshipping gives no room for rational thinking and it berates of alternative voices. Hero-worshipping is marked by hate filled approach to any criticisms directed at what they believe in (Mossner, 1978: 663). The fear looming around the politics of one up-manship is that the confidence it gains as a saviour to all the issues of various spectrums. The leadership it cajoles upon is a sign of ripping apart the fabric of society. The enlighten lots are at stake to mould leadership with humanity aspect and knowledge without taking a respite out of supernatural element linked with nature or religion (ibid: 663).
The Paradoxy of Neoliberalism
International relations should be complemented by free trade is echoed in the words of David Hume. Commerce can correlate to the well being of a state and extended to its inhabitants. The inclusivity in the well being of people can elevate common people to be pitted against the elite. The will of the government is a precursor to international relations and free trade (Haar, 2008: 236). The well being of one country related to free trade in an international relation has a rippling effect; it will have a positive impact on the neighbouring countries. It is impertinent for a country to flourish without having an alliance or relation with neighbouring countries (ibid: 236-237).
Hume propounded further that the well being of a country doesn't end with free trade. The human nature is seen as an unforgiving entity which refuses to change. To actualise peace and well-being, Hume argued that the prudence of a state with accountable policies will overcome forces like conflict or war. In a nutshell, Hume takes a central position between mercantilists and nationalist, in international relations. He believes in co-existence of both internationalism outlook and nationalism approach. That takes Hume's approach to principles of state regulation in free trade (ibid: 237).
Likewise, n eoliberal policies have been dotting India 's economic lacunae since India 's liberalisation in early 1990s. It began by ushering in positive changes which later amalgamated into a negative consequence. Privatisation along with corruption amasses as India inches towards the role of the next global player. Lack of regulation is seen as a factor that provides a leeway for corporates to take advantage, and also the perks they enjoy in the form of unrestrained loans from public sector banks. Corruption encompasses corporates, politicians, and public sector, and with that it allows neoliberalism to embrace crony capitalism (Hensman, 2014).
The alarming trend of neoliberaliism takes ugly form by explicitly strangling the rights of labourers especially in the informal sector which started during the National Democratic Allliance (NDA) regime. Labour Laws which is taken as a sole weapon in protecting their rights are being lobbied by industrialists for their abolition. The atmosphere of anti-labour steps became clearer when United Progressive Alliance (UPA) came into power in 2004 that the cases of workers fighting for their rights have increased with little success despite gross violations of labour rights (ibid).
In neoliberalism, the state takes the position of a muted spectator where capitalists are being allowed to run their business and its affairs. The state instead of protecting the system, they let private players decide what to do with it (ibid). The global meltdown does not have heavy impact on India 's economy despite the economy being liberalised. The reason could be because of the legislation of India that protects financial institutions. The road lying ahead where development has been promoted aggressively gives a glimpse about unprecedented and unwarranted neoliberalism (Mishra, 2013).
The trajectory of growth in Gujarat has been promoted as the best model in various forums. The reality tells a different story- the manner of how it paints Gujarat as the best development model is brimming with banality when the Gujarat economy is controlled by the corporates. Key sectors like power, ports, rail, roads etc are under the interests of the corporate (Hensman, 2014).
Hume despite being a proponent for free trade concerning commerce and its need for nation state, he has a sense of skepticism to free trade. He elaborated that alloting too much freedom to free trade will be detrimental to the well being of the nation. He held that there could be a consequence of unequal wealth distribution leading to an increase in debt and the vulnerable people will plunge into a worse condition of poverty (Harris, 2011: 45).
When a state's economy is dictated by the private investors, the governance in Gujarat has least credibility for what it stands for. The decision making process of the state also bears a huge implication from the corporates. The evidences of the negative growth of employment in manufacturing, and service sector in Gujarat are a testimony to the stronghold of corporates; as informalisation of labour is happening at the behest of the corporate (Nigam, 2013).
The factual data available from various reports and findings affirmed the realities of Gujarat 's model of development to be all hype without substance. In substantiating this point, an example can be cited of how the Modi government offered an unrestrained subsidy to Tata Company for operationalisation of its Nano plant along with other projects. What happens in the ground is that Tata has invested to a sum of Rs 2900 crores and enjoyed a loan of Rs 9570 crores at 0.1 interest. The loan the state has given to Tata needs to be paid back after 20 years, on a monthly basis, and other related elements like electricity are going to be taken care by the state. Tata being given an unprecedented tax break means that the Gujarat people will not get back this money (Financial Express. 2008). The recent news of a nexus surrounding Adani and Mukesh Ambani with Modi, is doing round the corner for its crony capitalism.
Informalisation of labour is happening at one side, and on the other side the people of Gujarat including farmers, fisherman, Dalits, Adivasis etc are being displaced in the name of development with massive lands being allocated for the corporates. This serves as a testimony to why Gujarat has one of the highest poverty levels across India (Mishra, 2011). Traversing into the human development indices also highlights the neglects by Gujarat government while aggressively running propaganda for political points in the name of the growth model. Gujarat fares poorly among states with comparable per capita income as it has the highest prevalence of hunger, and it similarly fare poorly on parameters definitive of people's well being like poverty, hunger, education and access to social security (Shariff, 2011).
The malnutrition rate in Gujarat has very little to do with vegetarianism or the banal argument of figure-consciousness among females. Finding says that the reason behind high malnutrition is attributed to extremely low wages, defunct of schemes related to nutrition, poor potable water supplies, and lack of sanitation. The state has one of the highest numbers of open defecation conditions in which diseases like jaundice, diarrhoea, malaria etc are a result of this (Hirway, 2012). The rapid industrialisation has resulted into uncontrolled pollution that has its impact on the livelihoods of farmers and fisherman. Later on, they are subjected to diseases like tuberculosis, cancer, skin diseases, asthma etc (Gahilote, 2014).
In contrast to Modi's projection of Gujarat as a destination for FDI inflows, the real figure makes this claim as a myth. Finding says that in the period 2012-2013 the share of FDI inflows statewise for Gujarat puts them at 6th rank with a meagre share of 2.38 per cent. Indebtedness figure has grown over the period for Gujarat , the current figure for the year 2013 is at Rs 1,38,978 crore which was Rs 45, 301 crore in the year 2002. Narrowing down this figure of debt to per capita indebtedness, each person will be having a debt of Rs 23,163 given that the population of Gujarat is 60 million (Khanna, 2013; Jaffrelot, 2013).
The aggressiveness of neoliberalism of Gujarat model and their vision is more extreme than the one of UPA. The application of Gujarat model in other states or to the whole of India cannot fill the existing inequality gap. Each state is dynamic and their needs are different. The elements essential to democracy in the form of regulation and access to social security, justice etc, cannot be negated in the development model promoted by Modi. These elements will stand nowhere in the neoliberalism promoted under the Gujarat model. Researchers link this context as the reason why Modi is a big favourite among the capitalists to lead India , and it bothers them the least about the State policy in protecting its citizen.
Richard Kamei is M.Phil Student at Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai
Endnotes
i) Polytheism is to do with the belief in multiple Gods. See more: http://www.gotquestions.org/polytheism.html (accessed on 23 March 2014 ).
ii) Monotheism believes in the existence of one God and they tend to be exclusive by nature. See more: http://atheism.about.com/library/FAQs/religion/blrel_theism_mono.htm (accessed on 23 March 2014 ).
iii) In the history of India , RSS came into being in the year 1925 wiith Hindutva ideology. The goal of RSS has always been consistent in paving way for Hindu nationalism and for the creation of Hindu nation. See more: http://www.pluralindia.com/issues-in-secular-politics.php?id=412 (accessed on 24 March 2014 )
iv) Adani Group has an exponential growth aligning with the rise of Narendra Modi. Adani is alleged to be having nexus with Modi's government. See more: http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?289708 (accessed on 22 March 2014 ).
v) Reliance Industries Limited chairman Mukesh Ambani has been accused of nexus with Narendra Modi's government over the KG Basin gas pricing issue. See more: http://indianexpress.com/article/india/politics/arvind-kejriwal-writes-narendra-modi-gas-pricing-mukesh-ambani/ (accessed on 22 March 2014 ).
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