A
Privatized Occupation
By
Ceara Donnelley and William D. Hartung
Information
Clearing House
22 August, 2003
Numbers
dominate the recent headlines and sound bytes from Baghdad and the Pentagon.
147,000:
the number of U.S. ground troops on Iraqi soil.
237: the
number of U.S. service men and women killed since the beginning of ground
operations.
99: the
number of these deaths since May 1, the day Bush declared combat victory
for the coalition.
9: the number
of months since members of the 3rd Infantry Division have seen their
families.
3: the number
of times their homecoming has been delayed.
$3.9 billion:
the number of U.S. dollars, estimated by Donald Rumsfeld, it costs per
month to support U.S. efforts in Iraq.
The list goes on.
What many reports
lack, despite all of these statistics, are the real details. When it
comes to who is doing what in Iraq, the facts are less clear. Your average
CNN-watching American may be able to report the latest on soldiers killed
or Iraqis successfully "found, killed or captured," but youd
be hard pressed to find an average American who could tell you how the
scene is really unfolding. How many Americans know who supplied the
war, who is in charge of reconstruction, how much they are being paid
for it, and how they were hired?
The answer is not
quite so simple as a predictable response"the military."
Few know the real details: how the projects and personnel planning post-war
Iraq come from private American corporations making world-class lemonade
out of the sour situation in the Persian Gulf.
From providing the
weapons and tanks that took us to Baghdad, to the personnel rebuilding
dams and bridges or operating ports, to the pencils and lesson plans
revamping the education system for young Iraqis, private American corporations
are spearheading U.S. campaigns in Iraq and reaping the financial rewards
of warfare.
Private corporations
have played an unprecedented role in the Second Gulf War, and from the
looks of just one more number$680 million, the projected contract
with Bechtel Group Inc. for its reconstructive work in Iraqthey
will continue to do so.
Some of jobs undertaken
by the Bechtels and the Halliburtons- such as rebuilding water and electrical
systems for instance are necessary and important. Yet as a nation and
a democracy we must ponder seriously whether such private corporations,
with firm connections to our leadership, are necessarily the ones who
should be handed these jobs. The privatization of the United States
military is not a new controversy. P.W. Singers new book Corporate
Warriors: The Rise of the Privatized Military Industry (Ithaca, New
York: Cornell University Press, 2003) offers insights into the questions
that should be asked about the unprecedented levels of privatization
of military planning, training, construction, and services that were
pursued during the Clinton/Gore administration and have been accelerated
under the Bush/Cheney administration. If the experience thus far in
Iraq is any indication, we clearly have a long way to go before we establish
the appropriate balance between profits and patriotism in the use of
private corporations to implement our national security strategy.
From a taxpayers
perspective, the most important question is how many billions of dollars
has our government paid private corporations to ensure a final victory
in Operation Iraqi Freedomwhatever "victory" ultimately
comes to mean?
What follows is
a breakdown of the major corporations involved in Iraq from the incipient
days of U.S. military action to the forthcoming years of rebuilding.
RUN-UP TO WAR:
WHO PUT THE SHOCK IN "SHOCK AND AWE"
Long before the
Bush Administration could sufficiently sell its case to the United Nations,
Congress, and the American people, it was planning for war against Saddam
and his Republican Guard. For companies like Raytheon, Boeing, and Lockheed
Martin this meant a big boom in business in exchange for the big booms
their weapons and bombs showered on Iraq months later. Though the ties
that bind these companies to the Bush administration are not quite as
controversial as those linking rebuilding and private military companies
such as Halliburton and Bechtel, it is still clear, by tracing overlapping
personnel, that far from being a relic of the Cold War, the military-industrial
complex is alive and well and thriving in George W. Bushs Washington.
Lockheed Martin
The Pentagons
No. 1 contractor has certainly benefited from military action in Iraq.
The company reports 80% of its business is with the U.S. Department
of Defense and the U.S. federal government agencies. It is also the
largest provider of information technology (IT) services, systems integration,
and training to the U.S. government. Such business has grown substantially
during the Bush tenure, especially in fiscal year 2002, as plans for
war were formulated, expenditures in weapons and dollars calculated.
The company was
awarded $17 billion in defense contracts in 2002, up from $14.7 billion
in 2001. (2)
First quarter sales
for 2003 were $7.1 billion, an 18% increase from the corresponding quarter
in 2002.
In March of 2003,
as the first bombs rained on Baghdad, the U.S. Air Force awarded Lockheed
Martin a $106.6 million contract for Paveway II GBU-12 and 16
Laser Guided Bomb (LGB) kits, as part of a $281 million contract characterized
by "indefinite delivery, indefinite quantity" a fancy
term for an open-ended, cost-plus contract. The majority of the kits,
also known as "smart bombs" (when fitted on warheads) were
ordered to restock diminishing U.S. Navy inventories.
Also in March, the
company received a $4 billion multi-year contract with the U.S. Air
Force and the Marine Corps for the acquisition of C-130J Super Hercules
Aircraft, to deliver the additional planes (the two departments combined
already own 41) from 2003 to 2008.
Former Lockheed
Martin Vice-President Bruce Jackson was a finance chair for the Bush
for President campaign; Vice-Presidential spouse Lynne Cheney is a former
board member of Lockheed Martin, and used to receive $120,000 per year
from the company for attending a handful of semi-annual board meetings.
(3)
Chris Williams,
lobbyist for Johnston & Associates, is one of nine members of the
Defense Policy Board to have ties to defense companies. His firms represent
Lockheed Martin, Boeing, TRW and Northrop Grumman. (4)
Boeing
Boeing is the Pentagons
No. 2 contractor as a supplier of war materials ranging from information
technology to planes to the bombs that drop from them. The B-52, the
aircraft made famous during the Korean War, remained the "workhorse"
in Operation Iraqi Freedom. It has been upgraded to modern technological
heights by "smart bombs" and precision-guided weapons like
those produced by Lockheed Martin, as well as those devised by Boeing
itself. In fact, Boeings Joint Direct Attack Munitions (JDAMs)
are the majority of the militarys smart bomb arsenal, because
they are cheap and effective: a $22,000 kit makes almost any bomb a
precision munition.
In 2002, Boeing
received $16.6 billion in Pentagon contractsup from $13 billion
in 2001, $12 billion in 2000.
While the Air Force
originally ordered 87,000 JDAM kits, it expanded that order to more
than 230,000 sometime before the March invasion. The going price was
$378 million. (5)
The company recently
won a $9.7 billion contract from the DoD to build 60 additional C-17
transport planes, praised as the only aircraft capable of lifting the
Armys heavy tanks, in addition to Apache helicopters, Humvees,
and Bradley fighting vehicles. In a deployment that began in January
2003, the C-17s were operating constantly delivering equipment to staging
spots in the Persian Gulf.
Other recent contracts
include $60.3 million for additional production of 120 Standoff Land
Attack Missiles Expanded Response (SLAM-ER), $3.3 billion for the sale
of 40 F-15K aircraft and weapons support for the Republic of Korea.
Richard Perle, former
Chairman of the Defense Policy Board (now he is a mere member) is a
managing partner at venture-capital company Trireme Partners, L.P.,
which invests in homeland security and defense companies. Half of the
$45 million in capital thus far comes from Boeing. (6)
58% of the $1.5 million in Soft Money and PAC contributions Boeing made
during the 2000 campaign went to the Republican candidates. When Bush
was declared victor, Boeing gave $100,000 for the Inauguration.
Raytheon
The fourth largest
defense contractor in the United States, Raytheon boasts involvement
in over 4,000 weapons programs.
The defense electronics
company is best known for the publicity garnered during the 1991 Gulf
conflict by its Patriot Air Defense missile that intercepted Iraqi Scud
missiles. Since 1991 the Pentagon has spent $3 billion improving the
accuracy of the weapon, which studies subsequent to Desert Storm revealed
to be far less than perfect.
Raytheon also manufactures
the Tomahawk land attack missile, another familiar name in times of
combat. Raytheon s website morbidly celebrates its popularity:
"Over 300 Tomahawks were used in Operation Desert Storm alone.
Since Desert Storm in 1991, more than 1,000 Tomahawks have been fired."
Estimates of the weapons use the second time around predicted
that 800 would be fired in just the first hours of war. In addition
to these two well-known weapons of war, Raytheon produces a wide range
of popular missile systems, radar and surveillance systems, and bombs.
As a major arms exporter to countries including Israel, Egypt, Saudi
Arabia, Turkey, and South Korea, the company is likely to doubly benefit
from the militarization of world politics as nations clamor to bolster
defense systems.
Each Tomahawk missile
costs between $600,000 and $ 1 million.
Raytheons
fourth quarter operating report of January 2003 reported a doubling
in profits.
CEO Daniel Burnham
is content with the course set by Bush and company, applauding the fact
that "the market is higher today than we thought a year ago,"
and boasting that "We are perfectly aligned with the defense departments
priorities."
The Navy recently
contracted a $1.2 billion deal to develop future ships like the DDX
destroyer, for which Raytheon integrates electronics.
The Air Force raised its request from $12.2 million to $80 million worth
of 901 Javelin anti-tank missiles, co-produced by Raytheon and Lockheed
Martin.
Since 1996, Raytheon has donated more than $3.3 million in soft money
and PAC donations, which places it fourth in donations among major defense
contractors in the 2002 midterm electoral campaigns.
Despite a traditional
relationship with Massachusetts Democrats, Raytheons contributions
have increasingly leaned towards the Republican party culminating in
a 58%/42% split, R/D, in the 2002 midterm Congressional elections. (7)
Alliant Techsystems
Lesser known than
defense giants like Boeing, Lockheed Martin, and Raytheon, Alliant nonetheless
may be the defense company that profits most consistently from the war
in Iraq and for the wars for "regime change" that may be yet
to come under the Bush administrations first-strike military doctrine.
Alliant Tech supplies all of the Armys small arms munitions, used
in rifles and machine guns, and approximately half of the medium-caliber
rounds fired by tanks and antitank chain guns in attach helicopters.
War strategies may change, favoring tanks over aircraft or vice versa,
but soldiers will always need ammo and they will always need more ammo
in times of combat. Alliants recent 16% increase in sales reflects
that bottom line.
Alliants sales
rose from $1.8 to $2.1 billion in FY 2002, a 16% increase.
Last year the Army awarded Alliant a $92 million dollar contract for
265 million rounds of small-caliber ammunition, notably including cartridges
for M-16 rifles.
In February, Alliant
received another $113 million in contracts to make ammunition for the
Abrams battle tank. (8)
CLEANING UP THE
MESS: CONTRACTING THE REBUILDING OF IRAQ
P.W. Singer calls
it the "service side" of war. Private military companies are
on the rise as the purported defenders of freedom. During "Operation
Iraqi Freedom," the United States deployed one private military
worker for every ten soldiersa tenfold increase since the 1991
Gulf War.
Between 1994 and
2002 the Pentagon entered into more than 3,000 contracts with private
military companies of varying notoriety. (9) Worldwide, private military
contractors are a $100 billion annual business. And with the war on
terrorism being described as the "endless war," there will
be more money to be made in the years ahead.
Many Americans now
know the link between private military contractor Halliburton and Vice
President Cheney, yet the morally ambiguous relationships between military-industrial
giants and the Washington elite do not end there. Mainstream news reports
have also focused on the role played by Bechtel, another corporation
that enjoys close ties with the Republican administration and is reaping
billions as it rebuilds Iraq.
Along with these
familiar examples, we should add Dyncorp, MPRI, Vinnell, Logicon, AirScan:
these names should become familiar because their employees are being
paid to do the dirty work alongside U.S. soldiers in Iraq. One wonders
whose salaries are higher.
Halliburton
Halliburton first
made headlines in this war, when it won the very first rebuilding contract
without bidding and before U.S. tanks even made it to Baghdad. In the
shadow of Enron and seemingly ubiquitous corporate scandal, the relationship
between Halliburton and its former CEO, Vice President Dick Cheney,
raised a red flag.
In March 2003, Halliburton
subsidiary Kellogg, Brown, and Root (KBR) was awarded the main contract
to control oil fires and stabilize oil fields under U.S. command; no
limit was placed on the duration or dollars involved in this venture.
Halliburton is not
all about oil; its profit from the war on Iraq runs deeper than the
oil wells. Cheneys former company provides a wide range of services
and is correspondingly contracted to perform them in private bidding
sessions that exclude most competitors.
Since September
11, the Bush administration has doled out over $2.2 billion in defense-related
contracts to Cheneys former company. (10)
Halliburtons
contract to secure and protect oil fields in Iraq, secretly awarded
by the Army without any competitive bidding, could be worth up to $1
billion. (11)
From September 2002
to April 2003, Halliburton received over $443 million in defense related
contracts to provide services ranging from logistical support to building
enemy prisoner of war camps and refueling military tanks.
From 1999 to 2002, Halliburton donated $708,770 in soft money and PAC
contributions, 95% of that total going to Republicans.
A recent Newsweek
article reports that "while Defense secretary in the first Bush
administration, Cheney awarded KBR the Army's first private contract
to manage troop tent cities. During the Clinton years Halliburton lost
that contract after KBR came under fire for allegedly overcharging the
government. But after Cheney was elected, KBR was again awarded that
Army contract and has rung up $1.15 billion so far on the 10-year deal."
(12)
Due to a decision
he made upon leaving Halliburton, Cheney still receives annual deferred
compensation of roughly $180,000 from his former company.
Bechtel
Though contracts
for rebuilding Iraq were awarded as soon as war was underway, if not
sooner, as late as mid-April the big question was who would win the
grand prize, the jackpot in the current round in bidding: a wide ranging
$600 million reconstruction contract awarded by USAID to cover the cost
of rebuilding critical infrastructure: airports, roads, water and power
systems, schools and hospitals.
After a secretive
bidding process, Bechtel Group of San Francisco was announced as the
winner, sparking a flurry of attention from the media and those who
know of Bechtels intricate ties to the Bush Administration. As
one New York Times article aptly put it: "Awarding the first major
contract for reconstruction in Iraq to a politically connected American
company under restricted business procedures sends a deplorable message
to a skeptical world
the award of a contract worth up to $680
million to the Bechtel Group of San Francisco in a competition limited
to a handful of American companies can only add to the impression that
the United States seeks to profit from the war it waged." (13)
Bechtel was widely
regarded as a highly capable contender for the $600 million plus contract,
yet its ties to Washington are so intricately and firmly woven that
its nearly impossible not to imagine what kind of pressure was
on the contracting decision.
As Secretary of
State for Reagan (and former president of Bechtel), in 1983 George Schultz
sent Donald Rumsfeld on a Middle East peace envoy to the city of Baghdad
to meet with Saddam Hussein. Rumsfeld was instructed to ask for the
leaders support in Bechtels bid on construction of an oil
pipeline from Iraq to the port of Aqaba. Twenty years later, Rumsfeld
and his cohorts were in the position to once again launch Bechtel into
a position of power in the Middle East, and they did so. (14)
Jack Sheehan, a
senior Vice President at Bechtel, is a member of the Defense Policy
Board. (15)
USAID administrator
Andrew Natsios, the overseer of bidding contracts in Iraq, also has
close ties to Bechtel; he headed Bostons massive "Big Dig"
construction process, a disastrous $14 billion boondoggle the accounted
for some of the biggest cost overruns in the history of American municipal
public works. Bechtel is one the main contractors on the "Big Dig"
project. (16)
Just two months before war, President Bush appointed multi-billionaire
Riley Bechtel (the 104th richest man in the world thanks to his familys
company) to his Export Council to advise the government on how to create
markets for American companies overseas. (17)
From 1999 to 2001,
Bechtel contributed $1.3 million to political campaigns; 58% went to
Republican candidates. (18)
DynCorp
The celebratory
images from the fall of Baghdadgiant Saddam statues falling, spontaneous
exultationwere quickly replaced with grim reality of the consequences
of destroying order in hopes of implementing a better one. Looting ran
rampant: much needed medical equipment and supplies disappeared, precious
and invaluable artifacts were stolen from museums. The U.S. military,
already stretched thin and committed to the continuing task of stabilizing
the region, stood by helplessly.
It was clear something
had to be done. Enter Dyncorp: a multi-billion dollar military contractor
providing personnel that fits the description offered by one Pentagon
official to the New York Times: "something a little more corporate
and more efficient with cleaner lines of authority and responsibility
[than United Nations peace-keeping troops]." (19) Corpwatch.org
reporter Prattap Chatterjee has accurately characterized this service
as rent-a-cop; Dyncorp s website is still advertising lucrative
positions to fill the Iraqi police force it has promised to build under
contract to the U.S. government. Former servicemen, police officers,
and prison guards line up.
The State Department
awarded DynCorp a multi-million dollar contract in April to advise the
Iraqi government on setting up effective law enforcement, judicial,
and correctional facilities. The company estimates it will send 1,000
American law enforcement experts to Iraq to meet the task. DynCorp projects
a return of up to $50 million for the first year of the contract. (20)
DynCorp contributed
74% of a total $276, 975 to the Republican party from 1999 to 2002.
(21)
Dyncorp has a long
history of alleged human rights violations and fraud. The most well
known example appears to be just the tip of the iceberg. Two Dyncorp
employees ran an underage sex slave ring in Bosnia while they were there
under U.S. contract. The employees who exposed this crime were fired;
the ones responsible were merely transferred.
More Contracts: Privatization Beyond Defense
The U.S. government
has not only hired companies to dramatically supplant the duties of
the occupying military. American taxpayers are also paying for the specialized
rebuilding of other essentials in Iraq. To appreciate fully the cost
of the war and its aftermath, these contracts are listed below with
brief summaries of tasks for which they were awarded. (22)
$4.8 million to
Stevedoring Services of America was awarded by USAID for "assessment
and management" of the Umm Qasr port on southeastern Iraq.
$10 million to Abt
Associates Inc. to reform the Iraqi Ministry of Health and to deliver
health services and supplies in the interim.
$2.5 million to
Skylink Air and Logistic Support (USA) Inc. to help reopen and manage
Iraqs airports.
$7 million to International
Resources Group was awarded for a 90-day period for the management of
relief and rebuilding efforts.
$7.9 million to
Research Triangle Institute (RTI) to promote Iraqi civic participation
in the reconstruction process. RTI will provide technical assistance
and training systems in the effort to improve internal administrative
skills and understanding of municipal government and services.
$2 million over
one year to Creative Associates International Inc. to address "immediate
educational needs" of Iraqs primary and secondary schools.
Contract provides for school supplies, training teachers, and developing
testing methods to track student performance.
Iraqi Oil: Funding
Reconstruction
The U.S. has just
recently lined up long-term oil deals with 12 companies around the world
in a hastened effort to gain revenue to pay for reconstruction. According
to its senior American advisor, Philip Carroll, a former executive of
oil giant Royal Dutch Shell, Iraqs State Oil Marketing Organization,
plans to supply an average of 725,000 to 750,000 barrels of oil a day
to U.S. firms like ExxonMobil, ChevronTexaco, ConocoPhilipps, Marathon
and Valero Energy; as well as European giants like Shell, BP, Total,
Repsol YPF; the Chinese firm Sinochem; Switzerland-based oil dealer
Vitol and Japan's Mitsubishi. (23) The choices of oil contractors seem
to be entirely political, with Carrolls former company on the
list, along with National Se curity Advisor Condoleeza Rices former
firm, Chevron. The contract with BP is may be a partial payback for
the United Kingdoms commitment of combat troops to the U.S.-led
war against Husseins regime; and the Japanese deal has been discussed
as "bait" to lure the Japanese government into supplying personnel
for security and policing functions in occupied Iraq. And, of course,
while Washingtons man from Royal Dutch Shell exercises veto power
over the decisions of the new Iraqi oil ministry, the money for rebuilding
Iraqs devastated oil producing infrastructure goes to Dick Cheneys
former company, Halliburton, on a cost-plus basis.
CONCLUSION: TIME
FOR ACCOUNTABILITY
As costs mount for
the U.S.-led rebuilding and occupation of Iraq, the profits of companies
like Lockheed Martin, Boeing, Raytheon, Bechtel, Halliburton, and Dyncorps
are likely to rise substantially as a result of contracts steered their
way by the Bush administration. Just last Friday, the New York Times
reported yet another example of favoritism that benefited Halliburton
(Neela Bannerjee, "Bechtel Ends Move for Work in Iraq, Seeing a
Done Deal," August 8, 2003).
After responding
to pressure from Rep. Henry Waxman (D-CA) and rival companies to re-bid
the longer-term portion of Halliburton's multi-year, multi-billion dollar
contract for rebuilding and operating Iraq's oil infrastructure, it
now appears that the bidding process is a sham, like so much else about
the Bush administration's privatized rebuilding effort in Iraq. After
going through the process of recruiting bidders for the contract and
holding an all day meeting in Dallas in mid-July with companies interested
in competing with Halliburton for the Iraqi oil industry rebuilding
contract, the Army Corps of Engineers quietly revised the specs for
the new contract so that the vast majority of the $1 billion in work
that was supposed to be up for competition was in essence handed back
to Halliburton. The work schedules for the alleged $1 billion bid were
fixed so that the majority of the work (or at least the majority of
the contract dollars) would be issued during calendar year 2003. Given
that the bidding process for the second phase of rebuilding Iraq's oil
sector won't yield a winner until October 15, 2003, at the earliest,
this essentially meant the Halliburton would get the majority of phase
two work by default. This led Bechtel, a major potential competitor
for the phase two work, to withdraw from the bidding, arguing that so
much of the work had essentially been handed to Halliburton in a back-door
deal with the Army Corps that was not revealed during the initial rounds
of bidding, that the notion of a true "competition" for the
Army Corps' second phase contract was basically a sham.
It is clear that
there needs to be more accountability both to the people of Iraq
and the American taxpayers about how the privatized rebuilding
process in Iraq is going to proceed. Contracts should be opened to true
competitive bidding, involving not only U.S. firms but competent companies
from allied nations. The decisions about which tasks are appropriate
for private corporations, as opposed to U.S. government entities or
non-profit, non-governmental organizations, should be made openly and
transparently, with appropriate Congressional oversight and public input.
Rebuilding contracts should be short-term, limited profit arrangements
that do not pre-empt the ability of a future democratic government in
Iraq to choose its own contractors and structure its own industries
as the Iraqi people not Washington bureaucrats or politically-wired
companies like Bechtel and Halliburton see fit. Companies which
are profiting from the rebuilding of Iraq should take a pledge not to
make contributions towards the 2004 presidential and Congressional campaigns,
to avoid the unseemly appearance of payback, as if firms that have been
rewarded by the Bush administration with contracts in Iraq are funneling
a percentage of their profits back to Republican candidates. Ideally,
if President Bush wants to set an appropriate moral tone, he should
agree not to accept contributions for his re-election campaign from
any company involved in the rebuilding of Iraq.
At the height of
World War II, Senator Harry Truman of Missouri made a name for himself
by uncovering profiteering and fraud by companies involved in providing
supplied for the war effort. Given the high political and economic stakes
in Iraq, a comparable investigation is in order now. Rep. Henry Waxman
(D-CA) has been asking all of the right questions in his role as the
ranking Democrat on the House Committee on Government Reform, but he
needs to be joined by prominent colleagues of both parties, and in the
Senate as well as the House, in digging up answers about the cost, effectiveness,
and propriety of rebuilding Iraq via the secretive, privatized process
that the Bush administration and the Pentagon have been pushing thus
far. (24)
Notes:
1 Ceara Donnelley
was a research intern at the World Policy Institute during the summer
of 2003. William D. Hartung directs the Institute's arms project.
2 "War in Iraq: We foot the billing, Corporations make a killing,"
www.citizensworks.org
3 Ibid.
4. "Advisors of Influence: Nine Members of the Defense Policy Board
Have Ties to Defense Contractors," report by the Center for Public
Integrity, www.publici.org
5. Ibid.
6. For more details on Boeing's role in Iraq and its connections to
Washington see ATRC's April 4, 2003 update.
7 For additional information on Raytheon see ATRC's March 24, 2003 update.
8 "Quiet, but Central, Role for Ammunition Maker," by Amy
Cortese, New York Times, March 23, 2003.
9 "Have Guns, Will Travel," by P.W. Singer, New York Times,
July 21, 2003.
10 "The World According to Halliburton," by Michael Scherer,
www.motherjones.org
11 "Fanning the Flames: Cheney's Halliburton ties," by Keith
Naughton and Michael Hirsch, Newsweek, April 7, 2003.
12 Ibid.
13 "And the Winner is Bechtel," New York Times, April 19,
2003.
14 "Bechtel's Friends in High Places," by Pratap Chatterjee,
special to Corpwatch, April 24, 2003, www.corpwatch.org
15 "Advisors of Influence," www.publici.org
16 Chatterjee, April 24, 2003.
17 Ibid.
18 "Rebuilding Iraq -- The Contractors," www.opensecrets.org.
19 "DynCorp Rent-a-Cops May Head to Post-Saddam Iraq," by
Pratap Chatterjee, special to Corpwatch, April 9, 2003, www.corpwatch.org
20 "Rebuilding Iraq -- The Contractors," www.opensecrets.org.
21 Ibid.
22 All statistics provided by the USAID fact sheet on reconstruction
contracts for Iraq: www.usaid.gov/press/factsheets/2003/fs030620.html
23 "Iraq Lines Up Long-Term Oil Deals," by Chip Cummins, Wall
Street Journal, July 29, 2003, company identification provided by Agence
France Presse, July 31, 2003.
24 To see Waxman's excellent series of letters to the Army Corp of Engineers
and other key Bush administration policy makers, go to the web site
of the House Committee on Government Reform, www.house.gov/reform,
and find the site for minority