War: The Great
Unknown
Among Election Issues
By Jonathan Freedland
18 April, 2005
The
Guardian
Officially,
it's nowhere. Last week's Guardian poll showed a measly 3% of voters
citing the Iraq conflict as the main factor in determining their choice.
Neither the government nor the opposition talk about it much. In contrast
with recent elections in Spain and the United States, the two main parties
were on the same side over Iraq. So while José María Aznar
and George Bush were pounded by their electoral challengers over the
conflict, Tony Blair enjoys a free pass from his chief rival, Michael
Howard. Iraq is not exactly the lead item in any of the main party manifestos.
And yet, take a
look at the Conservatives' latest cinema ad. It shows a grainy shot
of Mr Blair with Mr Bush, and there is no mistaking the memory that
image is meant to evoke. Talk to the candidates themselves, of whatever
stripe, and many will testify that Iraq is raised on the doorstep more
often, and with greater intensity, than those headline poll figures
would suggest.
Or talk to the voters themselves. You might meet a family like Huma
Awan's. She's 28, Edinburgh born and bred, a mother and a part-time
official of the Council of British Pakistanis. In 2001 she voted Labour,
liking its record on education and health. "On the things that
mattered to me, they seemed to be talking sense."
But not this time.
"I'm ashamed of this government," she said, sitting with her
father in the spacious flat he bought - thanks to decades of round-the-clock
work in a corner shop - in Edinburgh's smart Bruntsfield neighbourhood.
"Blair was under pressure to present evidence to parliament and
he made things up and I find that shocking."
This is not the
kneejerk opposition many ascribe to Muslim voters. Ms Awan backed military
action against Afghanistan, regarding it as legitimate self-defence.
At first, she was
open-minded about Iraq, too. She was indifferent to the February 2003
demonstration against the war and remembers believing the now-discredited
45-minute claim. "I thought, 'They're not stupid. There must be
a reason'."
Now though the disenchantment
is complete. "I just don't trust Blair any more," she said.
"He says something and then it comes out a few months later that
he was lying through his teeth."
Her father, Mohsan
Raza, became disillusioned much earlier. Aged 63 and retired, he made
the journey from Pakistan in 1961: "I came to Edinburgh and it
was a nice, clean city and it took my heart away: I thought, this is
the place for me." He remembered the former Conservative prime
minister Alec Douglas-Home saying he wanted immigrants to do well -
but not too well - and that made Mr Raza a Labour man for life.
On May 5 that four-decade
habit will be broken. "I'll go to the Liberal Democrats, to Charles
Kennedy because he was against the war."
The Tories are not
an option because, his daughter said, "they would have done the
same" as Labour.
For Mr Raza, Iraq
is just one part of a process that began on September 11 2001 and saw
him feel newly uncomfortable, even rejected, in a country he had grown
to love. He cited the sudden, post 9/11 fear and ostracism of Muslims;
the war on Afghanistan and the anti-terrorism measures which, he believes,
have identified all Muslims with violence in the British mind. But Iraq
is the sorest point.
His old friend,
Syed Kirmani, also 63, said he felt the same way. Since 9/11 he had
taken to wearing traditional Pakistani dress (a reaction perhaps to
the sentiment Ms Awan described: "The feeling that, no matter how
integrated you are, you're still not going to be accepted as fully British.")
He likes Labour,
likes his local Labour MP. But he wants to punish Mr Blair - for British
rather than Muslim reasons. "He did what Bush told him to do. He
forgot his position, which is to listen to the people of Britain."
He reckoned that
"Saddam could have been removed like a hair on a buttock".
War was unnecessary.
"Yes, Blair
talks very nicely about Islam and reading the Qur'an. But there's no
justice in killing innocent people in Afghanistan and Iraq, which filters
down into attitudes [to Muslims] on the streets."
There is a crumb
of comfort for the government here. The animus is directed at the prime
minister, rather than the party.
Similar discussions
can be heard in constituencies across the country: from Brent East to
Leicester South, seats where Muslim disaffection with Labour could have
a direct impact. The Lib Dems report that 1,500 of the 8,000 people
who joined the party in 2002-03 were Muslims - a shift officials directly
attribute to the Iraq effect.
In Bethnal Green
and Bow in east London, where Respect's George Galloway is challenging
Labour's Oona King, who backed the war, Iraq is the decisive issue.
Student towns report
high interest too. In Oxford East, Lib Dem leaflets feature a prominent
picture of Mr Blair with Mr Bush, under the headline: "Do you want
more of this?"
Others draw a distinction
between traditional Labour seats, especially in the north, where Iraq
is hardly mentioned, and "Guardian reading" constituencies,
where it can dominate. Hornsey and Wood Green in north London, where
former minister Barbara Roche faces a stiff Lib Dem challenge, is the
prime example of the latter.
In the former, said
one Labour candidate, the issue surfaces in a less direct form - cited
as proof that Mr Blair is out of touch, off pursuing "a baseless
diversion" when he should have been sorting out problems at home.
It is not just Labour
supporters who are seeing 2005 as a khaki election. Tory Nicholas Boles,
trying to overturn a Labour majority in Hove, has been struck by the
number of elderly, "culturally conservative" voters who raise
Iraq.
"It's mentioned
to me much more than I expected," he said. "They talk of Blair's
lies and Blair's deceit. Women say 'it could have been my son.' There's
definitely real anger there."
Mr Boles's Labour
opponent, Celia Barlow, is opposed to the war: if she wasn't, Mr Boles
speculates that Hove's Labour activists would not be stretching too
many sinews to get her elected.
Variations on that
theme are heard across the country. It may not be the issue on which
this election turns, but it is having a deep impact. Labour is feeling
it most keenly - among its activists, but also among what party tacticians
call its "intelligentsia" vote, among students and among Muslims.
Elsewhere it is
symbolic of a much larger theme: trust in the prime minister.
How many Labour
voters it will affect - by shifting them to other parties or keeping
them at home - no one will dare predict. For the one topic on which
polls are notoriously limited is turnout - and that is where the Iraq
war may have its greatest effect. Having dominated politics for the
last parliament, it may yet have a say in shaping the next. This drama
is not over yet.
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