Liberation
at Gunpoint
By Angana
Chatterji
07 May, 2003
In Baghdad, the devastation
of war, incomprehensible disarray. The desperation in childrens
eyes, the twisted laughter of survival. Since March 19, 14,000 bombs
have rained on Iraq. Minimally, 2000 have died. How do you measure violation?
How do you compensate for it?
Myths project parallels between
the United States invasion of Iraq and the Allied intervention in Nazi
Germany. The United States fought with valour for Europes sanity.
Yet, if we delve deeper into the politics of truth in the making of
history we will uncover that the emasculation of Germany through the
provisions of the Treaty of Versailles contributed to the triumph of
fascism. We will find that, in 1939, America turned away "St. Louis",
the German transatlantic liner carrying 937 refugees. Most were Jewish
émigrés. America did not enter the war until the tragedy
of Pearl Harbour. It responded with the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki,
"peace" through unprecedented destruction. America fractured
the Nuremberg trials to secure Germanys support in fighting Soviet
communism. America granted asylum to Nazi scientists. It is too easy
to glorify a nations past and silence stories of complicity.
Let us remember that Iraq
is not Nazi Germany. It is a different place in a different time. Much
of the world was against this war and the ensuing occupation, but fear
of alienating the United States has weakened official dissent. In a
new world, the lone superpower is acting to ensure its dominance. It
is, at the turn of a century, a sad testimony to an era in which the
world confronted colonialism, fascism, enslavement and segregation.
The postcolonial world has been unequal from the start, with an international
order dominated by the United States and European nations.
Saddam Hussein, the dictator,
has fallen. The Iraqi people are celebrating that fact. America cannot
confuse this with an affirmation of the United States onslaught on Iraq.
What is to become of post-war Iraq? Saddam Husseins dreaded police
are back on the streets, stamped, "clean" and "ready
for duty" by the United States. Is this the security that America
promised? As the Iraqi National Museum was looted, a company of United
States Marines in armoured vehicles was guarding the Iraqi Oil Ministry.
Is this independence, to leave people without a history?
As we count, there are 164
Coalition casualties. Who fought this war? The colour of collateral
damage is muddy. The front lines are crowded with African-Americans,
who comprise 19.7 per cent of the soldiers on active duty. Thirty five
percent of the troops are people of colour even as 79.6 per cent of
Americans are white. Military recruitment is fervent on school campuses,
especially in underprivileged minority and working class neighbourhoods.
Currently, of the 535 members of Congress, only four have a direct relationship
to the United States armed forces. The burden of "service"
is disproportionately borne by the economically marginalised and the
socially targeted.
What next? Saudi Arabia,
Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Iran, Venezuela? Rich with oil, ripe for
immiseration? After Iraq, will the United States invade North Korea?
Or, is the message to small nations, "acquire the bomb, and big
brother will leave you alone"? At home, America watches the war
on television, punctuated by commercials that sell us cars, drugs, vacations.
The comfort of oblivion to avoid the misfortune of insight. The reportage
mimics the administrations language, telling us stories about
the valour of "good guys" and the cowardice of "bad ones".
One might mistake Baghdad for a football field. The human faces of this
war are American soldiers and their families. Few brown or Muslim faces
are seen on American television, few Iraqi children, women, widows.
Bunker busters were dropped on residential complexes, yet Iraqi casualty
figures appear in small print.
The United States says that
Iraqis must select their leaders, not have them imposed from the outside.
Then why the plan for puppet regimes? In direct contradiction, the United
States is preparing a post-war tenure in Iraq to usher in a pro-American
government. This is liberation at gunpoint. What role will the international
community have in post-war decisions? Will America accept Iraqs
dissent to the occupation? Will there be transparency and accountability
in how Iraqs oil is managed? Will the United States re-establish
Iraq so she can defend herself?
The United States and coalition
forces are contradicting the provisions of the Geneva Convention that
chart the responsibilities of an occupying power. Are Iraqi deserters
incarcerated by Kurdish or United States military in northern Iraq being
granted prisoner of war status? About 225,000 Iraqis have been killed
or disappeared during Saddam Husseins rule. A United States championed
Iraqi-led judicial process sketched by the Pentagon cannot prosecute
Iraqis charged with past crimes. The Iraqi judicial system is deeply
impacted and cannot be repaired with technical assistance from the United
States. For it to be ethical, this process must take place before an
international tribunal. Forced evictions, deaths, destruction, clashes
between Baath party officials prevail in Kirkuk. What is to become of
the Kurds, Turkomans, Assyrians? About 120,000 minorities have been
expelled since 1991 in the Arabisation of northern Kurdish provinces.
About 100,000 Kurds were murdered or have vanished. How will the United
States attend to the demands of Iraqs minorities?
Who is going to rebuild Iraq?
Humanitarian agencies are concerned that the invaders, the United States
and the United Kingdom, are the primary states that will mount and benefit
from the reconstruction. American forces will stay on to remake Iraq.
Why? Because it is more important than Afghanistan! Remake in whose
image? Estimates calculate 20 billion dollars each year, for the next
few years. Where will the funds come from? Occupation for how long?
How long does it take to impose a democracy? How is it possible? Especially
when you invade, disrespect and subordinate a nation. This war has facilitated
a breakdown in Iraq and international law. Are these the conditions
in which to empower a will to change?
Today, the United States
feels a self-righteous obligation to dictate the pathways to freedom
to an unwilling world. Immense power makes for immense dreams. This
liberation of the Islamic world is perceived by many as a machination
in Christianitys will to dominance over Islam, the cultural companion
to economic imperialism. This invasion is based on assumptions that
mask the complexities at play in arbitrating Islams experiments
with democracy in the Middle East. It refuses to understand the link
between colonialism and the postcolonial present.
On the streets of Baghdad,
turbulent looting is a heartbreaking testimony to how brutalisation
works, to the indignity that informs life, and makes aspirations horrific.
For the destitute across the word, this is a symbol, repeated over and
over. People transformed into thieves on their lands, denied livelihood,
repressed and tortured, enacting cycles of violence and destruction.
The belly aches, hearts clench in despair in the winding pathways heaped
and layered with life. What have we permitted? The night is a long journey
of self-reflection. In the early hours of the day, history is in mourning.
Angana Chatterji is a professor of Social and Cultural Anthropology
at the California Institute of Integral Studies.