It’s
Your Nigger Problem Not Hip-Hop’s
By March Anthony
Neal
08 December, 2006
Black
Agenda Report
Permanently
retire the word “nigger.” This was the call from a collective
of black political figures in Los Angeles recently, in the wake of Michael
Richards’ racist diatribe at a Los Angeles comedy club. The press
conference where the appeal made was emblematic of a moment where the
circulation of the images of “blackness” throughout the
globe has created a moment of crisis in some sectors of the black community.
The basic tropes of “blackness” – black culture, black
identity, black institutions – have been distorted, remixed, and
undermined by the logic of the current global economy. At stake is the
preservation of a “modern” blackness – that blackness
which was posited and circulated as a buffer against white supremacy,
political disenfranchisement, slavery, Jim Crow segregation and the
collusion of racist imaginations and commodities culture in the early
20th century. In many sectors “blackness” is literally thought
to be under siege. It is in this context that many of the contemporary
tropes of “blackness” that circulate in commercial popular
culture, particularly in popular music, film and music video, are deemed
threats to blackness – as tropes of an erosive and inauthentic
blackness that is as threatening to the Black Public proper as “death”
itself. This sense of threat, has been, perhaps, most powerfully expressed
in these debates over the use of the word “nigger” in popular
culture which highlight a philosophical divide within “blackness.”
It is in the context of this
divide that I posit my own “nigger” theory. Whereas the
term “nigger” references notions of “blackness”
as landlocked, immobile, static, segregated, and an embodiment of black
racial subjects in the pre-20th century South, I would like to argue
that the term “nigga” (and its attendant variations) relates
to concepts of blackness as mobile, fluid, adaptable, post-modern, urban,
and embodying various forms of social and rhetorical flow that are fully
realized within the narratives of hip-hop. In other words, there are
myriad meanings, uses and possibilities that have always been associated
with the term “nigger.” In large part the debates over the
term “nigger/nigga” represent a crisis of interpretation.
The failure of some to discern the distinction is akin to what Samuel
R. Delaney calls a discursive collision. According to Delaney, “The
sign that a discursive collision has occurred is that the former meaning
has been forgotten and the careless reader, not alert to the details
of the changed social context, reads the older rhetorical figure as
if it were the newer.” (See Samuel R. Delaney, Times Square Red,
Times Square Blue [New York: New York University Press, 1999], 119.)
There is perhaps no word
within American Vernacular English (AVE) that has elicited more animus
among blacks than the term “nigger.” There is little dispute
over the fact that the term “nigger” has been a staple of
white supremacist discourse often employed to shorthand commonly held
societal beliefs about black folk as being less than human or more powerfully
less than “American” (as in “just a nigger”),
while also tactically deployed as a direct attack on individual and
group black self esteem, hence its power as a racial epithet. Indeed
legal scholar Randall Kennedy writes in his book “Nigger: The
Strange Career of a Troublesome Word” that “If nigger represented
only an insulting slur and was associated only with animus, this book
would not exist, for the term would be insufficiently interesting to
warrant an extended study.” Kennedy further describes “nigger”
status as “paradigmatic slur…the epithet that generates
other epithets.”
“Nigger’s”
status as “paradigmatic slur” highlights the complexity
of it’s usage, even in the face of the word’s obvious negative
connotations. Kennedy cites the autobiography of Helen Jackson Lee who
in describing her Cousin Bea, acknowledged she had “a hundred
different ways of saying nigger.” (See Helen Jackson Lee, Nigger
in the Window [New York: Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1978], 27). Lee
acknowledges her familiarity with the word growing up in Virginia during
the during the World War I era, reflecting that “By the time I
was three, nigger was as familiar as mama, daddy, brother, uncle, aunt.”
But it was her Cousin Bea’s use of the word – the first
person she heard use the term – that brought the word’s
complexity alive for her:
“[L]istening to her,
I learned the variety of meanings the word could assume. How it could
be opened like an umbrella to cover a dozen different moods, or stretched
like a rubber band to wrap up our family with other colored families…Nigger
was a piece of clay word that you could shape…to express feelings.”
Lee’s comments suggest
the possibility of seeing “nigger” not simply as a word
entrenched in racist discourse, but as the basis for a hybrid black
identity – one that speaks the complexity of people of African
descent who live in the United States. Though many blacks in the United
States and elsewhere are likely to reject such logic as a meaningful
defense of the word’s casual use, such examples of “nigger”
usage prominently circulate throughout the world of Hip-Hop culture
and by extension American youth culture.
What hip-hop culture has
essentially done is make explicit the very crisis of identity that the
black public at large faces. According to literary scholar Sharon Patricia
Holland, “identity only becomes an issue when it is in crisis,
when something assumed to be fixed, coherent and stable is displaced
by the experience of doubt and uncertainty.” (See Sharon Patricia
Holland, Raising the Dead: Readings of Death and (Black) Subjectivity
[Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2000], 137).
There is also a perception
that those of the hip-hop generation employ the word out of a sense
of historical ignorance and in the simple pursuit of the financial opportunities
encompassed in being the “realest” nigger within the music
industry. Such perceptions hold the hip-hop generation and its artists
accountable for making explicitly public, aspects of black life that
largely remained within the confines of segregated black spaces, just
a generation or two ago. As legal scholar Imani Perry observes, “there
is no private space to distinguish between the nigga in the black linguistic
world and the nigga in the white.” (See Imani Perry, Prophets
of the Hood: Politics and Poetics in Hip Hop, [Durham, NC: Duke University
Press, 2004], 143).
Already accepting that they
were products and inhabitants of a brave new black world – post-Civil
Rights, post-Reagan era, post-crack, post LA Riots, post-MTV, etc. –
the hip-hop generation has been less concerned with the validity of
a term like “nigger,” but rather defining what a “real”
nigga was, in other words, the black subject that was most organically
representative of this brave new black world. Though the quest for the
“real nigga” has, as Robin D.G. Kelly suggests in his book
Yo’ Mama’s Disfunktional, long been the concern of urban
anthropologists, here the objects of study, become the primary interlocutors.
(See Robin D.G. Kelly’s essay “Looking for the Real ‘Nigga’:
Social Scientist Construct the Ghetto” in Yo’ Mama’s
Disfunktional: Fighting the Culture Wars in Urban America [New York:
Beacon Press, 1997], 15-42.)
The irony of this search
for the authentic “nigga” was addressed by novelist Paul
Beatty in his book Tuff. In the book, the character Rabbi Spencer Throckmorton
comes across two young black boys wearing tee shirts that say “I
Ain’t Got No Time for Fake Nigga” and “I love Black
people but I hate niggas” respectively. The quotes are drawn from
Lil Kim’s track “No Time” and Chris Rock’s comedic
sketch “Blacks vs. Niggers.” Throckmorton says to the youths:
“Your shirts bespeak
a bit of a familiar paradox. The quest for the real nigger within us
and the simultaneous hatred for that selfsame nigger as other. As in
I’m a real nigger, but I hate all other niggers who don’t
fit into my idiosyncratic perception of essentialist niggerdom.”
– Paul Beatty.Tuff: A Novel(New York: Knopf, 2000), 87.
Arguably the dominant existential
crisis within contemporary hip-hop, the search for the “real nigga”
was perhaps most coherently articulated in the chorus of Lil Kim’s
track “No Time.” Throughout the song’s chorus, hip-hop
artist and mogul Sean “Diddy” Combs repeats the line “no
time for fake niggas.” The song was recorded in the midst of a
virulent exchange of threats between Combs, head of Bad Boy Entertainment
and Shug Knight, head of the Death Row Recording company. While the
latter camp embodied what was perceived as a more authentic hardcore
ghetto identity, Combs roots Bad Boys’ authenticity in economic
productivity – the distinction between performative gesture (“talk
shit”) and productive labor (“counting bank figures”).
Combs’ distinction
finds resonance in the work of theorist and philosopher Ronald A. T.
Judy. In his essay, “On Nigga Authenticity,” Judy argues
that “the ‘nigga’ (as embodied within hip-hop discourse)
is what emerges from the demise of human capital, what gets articulated
when the field nigger loses value as labor…a nigga who understands
that all possibility converts from capital, and does not derive from
work.” According to Judy’s logic the “nigga”
articulates a distinction between the labor of actual black bodies and
the “labor” of that which ostensibly represents those black
bodies in a global marketplace. Explicitly linking this new “nigga”
to the world of hip-hop, Judy states that hip-hop is “thinking
about being in a hypercommodified world”. In other words “niggas”
– shorthand for the very idea of the hip-hop – fully understand
that with the demise of black labor’s value (niggers), that real
capital accumulation comes from the circulation of black “representations”
(niggas) throughout the globe. Rather than a civil war between “blacks
and niggers,” it’s the labor of black popular culture vs.
the labor of black bodies. (See Ronald A.T. Judy, “On Nigga Authenticity”
Boundary 2 [Fall 1994], 212.)
Judy is of course talking
about very traditional notions of labor – cotton picking, sharecropping,
factory and domestic work and other forms of menial labor – the
kind of labor that has defined the black experience in the United States
that is, per Mexican President Vincente Fox, now largely the province
of new immigrant workers from Mexico. In the context of the contemporary
labor force, the “field nigger” is now rendered too expensive,
though some might argue that many “field niggers” view themselves
as being above such labor in the aftermath of the social gains made
by blacks since the late 1950s. Regardless, some young black laborers
were forced into illicit and underground sites of labor, including the
prison industrial complex – the drug economy and the pornography
industry being two of those sites – and in the process have helped
redefine the very idea of labor by elevating hustling as an act of necessary
self-preservation in an era when the kinds of jobs that sustained the
working-class lifestyles of their parents and grand-parents, have been
lost to foreign laborers.
Hip-Hop’s brilliance
(if we could call it that), was not only to exploit the narratives of
“nigga laborers,” but if we consider how much contemporary
rap music and videos traffic in the bodies of nearly naked black women,
hip-hop clearly also exploits the bodies of those “nigga laborers.”
In fact one could argue that hip-hop produces a surplus labor –
rappers, ballers, video-hoes, thugs and strippers are a dime a dozen
within the discourses of hip-hop. As sociologist Roderick Ferguson suggests,
this surplus labor only heightens the sense that hip-hop is outside
of a normative blackness: “As surplus labor becomes the impetus
for anxieties about the sanctity of ‘community’, ‘family’
and ‘nation’, it reveals the ways in which these categories
are normalized in terms of race, gender, sexuality, and class. Indeed
the production of labor, ultimately, throws the normative boundaries
of race, gender, class and sexuality into confusion.” (See Roderick
Ferguson, Aberrations in Black: Toward a Queer of Color Critique [Minneapolis:
University of Minnesota Press, 2004], 17.)
Judy defines authenticity
as “adaptation to the force of commodification.” In this
regard, Judy argues that “Nigga is not an essential identity,
strategic or otherwise, but rather indicates the historicity of indeterminate
identity” (Judy, 229). This notion of “indeterminate identity”
is echoed in literary scholar Saidiya Hartman’s description of
the black slave – the organic “nigger as property”
– in her book Scenes of Subjection where she asserts that the
“fungibility of the commodity makes the captive body an abstract
and empty vessel vulnerable to the projection of others feelings, ideas,
desires, and values; and as property, the dispossessed body of the enslaved
is the surrogate for the master’s body since it guarantees his
disembodied universality and acts as the sign of his power.”
While Hartman may have been
talking about the white elites within a 19th century “slavocracy,”
more than a century later, some within the black community use “niggas”
as the empty vessel to project their hatred, disgust and embarrassment
with those black bodies that don’t fit some bourgeois and idiosyncratic
notion of who “real” black people are supposed to be. Banning
the word “nigger” will not erode the realities of white
supremacy, but at least for some, it will further diminish the visibility
of those within our ranks who some feel are not deserving of the very
humanity that we all seek.
The author of four books,
Mark Anthony Neal is a professor of African-American and Women’s
Studies at Duke University, where he also directs the Institute for
Critical U.S. Studies. This article is adapted from the essay “Nigga:
The 21st Century Theoretical Superhero” from Mark Anthony Neal’s
forthcoming book The TNI-Mixtape. He can be contacted at
[email protected].
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