Nandigram:
The Poor Killing
The Poor On Neo-Liberal Bidding
By Debarshi Das
19 November, 2007
Sanhati.com
Nandigram, a coastal area in
the state of West Bengal, India, had became a resistance zone after
the state government sought to acquire 25,000 acres of land for the
setting up of a chemical hub by the Indonesian Salim industrial group.
On 14th March, 2007 the state government's police fired on an unarmed
barricade of villagers and killed at least 14 of them. On and around
7th of November, 2007, the storm troopers of the ruling political party,
Communist Party of India (Marxist), or CPM, launched a vigilante action
in the area. In the resulting massacre several people lost their lives,
houses were looted, there were many incidents of atrocities on women
(http://www.thestatesman.net/page.arcview.php?
date=2007-11-11&usrsess=1&clid=1&id=203308).
An account of the
events which led to it and the aftermath
To put it into perspective,
and to abstract from the histrionics of Mamata Banerjee (the chief of
the opposition party of the state, Trinamul Congress), why did the Communist
Party of India (Marxist) send its ground troops to Nandigram? Aided
by a paralysed, obliging, administration? And Police looking the other
way (even getting wounded in the process by CPM bullets!)
(http://www.thestatesman.net/page.arcview.php?
date=2007-11-07&usrsess=1&clid=1&id=202916)
The Politbureau provides
us a part of the answer. In a statement titled Nandigram: Check Maoist
Violence it proclaims, "..they [BUPC: Bhumi Uchchhed Pratirodh
Committee, or the land eviction resistance committee] have ganged up
with the Maoists who have brought in armed squads from outside West
Bengal. For the past few months the administration and the police have
been out of the area which has been utilised by the armed
elements led by the Maoists to entrench themselves. Bunkers have been
built and landmines laid. One of the squads is led by Ranjit Pal who
was involved in the killing of JMM MP, Sunil Mahato in Jharkhand. The
Maoists' role has been exposed by the landmine blasts which took place
on November 6. Of the five landmines that were planted, three exploded,
killing two
persons." ( www.cpim.org
).
Pretty impressive intelligence
regarding enemy movements, one must admit. But do the Police and the
administration know all this? 7th November (the day after the said blast)
the Anandabazar Patrika reports, "..a part of the CPM claims two
of their supporters have been killed by mines laid by the Maoists who
are members of the Resistance Committee [BUPC]. There was
no satisfactory answer, however, as to how the Maoists could lay mines
in the Mansingber area, beside the Bhangabera bridge in the CPM stronghold
of Khejuri, evading the strong Police vigil. The district Police super
says, 'Two people have died in the explosion. Whether this is due to
bombs or mines is not possible to assert at this moment.' On land mines
the state home secretary states, 'Cannot be ascertained at present.
We are investigating.' Are the Maoists behind the blasts? Prasadbabu
[the secretary] is of the opinion, so far it's not clear. But he comments,
'If it is a handiwork of the Maoists then it's a matter of concern.'"
(http://www.anandabazar.com/archive/1071107/7med1.htm
, our translation)
Is the Politbureau in possession
of information which is not available even to the Police? Or is it simply
indulging in blatant lies? Has W. Bush become its partner in the hunt
for WMD?
Aside from the pre-emptive
strike against the elusive Maoists, one more thought had apparently
caused many sleepless nights at the CPM Politbureau. The communiqué
of 12th November, 2007 thunders, "[t]here has been no issue of
land acquisition whatsoever in Nandigram since February 2007, yet the
whole area was under siege on the spurious pretext of protection of
land." (www.cpim.org )
and so on in the same vein.
Some questions come to mind.
One, what was so special about February, 2007? Two, was the whole area
indeed under siege on the spurious pretext of protection of land?
On 19th February, the Politbureau
issued a statement that no land would be acquired for SEZ against people's
wishes
(http://www.zeenews.com/znnew/articles
.asp?rep=2&aid=355049&sid=NAT). This eagerness to declare
the obvious betrays a sense of disquiet, if we remember what happened
on 6th and 7th of January. At least six people lost
their lives (http://www.anandabazar.com/archive/1070108/8med1.htm
) in
those two days as a result of clashes between CPM supporters and the
newly formed BUPC
(http://www.thestatesman.net/page.arcview.php?date=2007-0108&usrsess=4095190231938&clid=1&id=170160).
Why? Because "of the notice issued by the Haldia Development Authority
(Nandigram-I block office), dated 28 December, which was circulated
to all gram panchayat [village council] offices (though not to individual
landholders). The notice stated that 27 mouzas of land in Nandigram
and two mouzas of land in Khejuri ~ comprising 25,000 acres in all ~
would be acquired for the Salim Group's proposed chemical hub."
(http://www.thestatesman.net/page.arcview.php?date=2007-01-04&usrsess=4095190231938&clid=1&id=169714)
Consequently, a number of villages became out of bounds as people feared
the government would take away their land under some pretext or other,
as it had done in Singur (http://www.countercurrents.org/kavita250407.htm
).
So, this was the background
of February. Did the announcement succeed in calming the nerves? This
brings us to the second question: what happened after February? Did
the oracle at Gopalan Bhavan [central party office of CPM] succeed in
resolving all issues at hand? Was the whole area under siege under a
spurious pretext?
Events of 14th March are
all too well known to bear repetition
(http://www.thestatesman.net/page.arcview.php?date=2007-03-15&usrsess=2534190231450&clid=1&id=177086).
Suffice it is to say not a single police personnel or CPM cadre responsible
for the massacre has been charge sheeted or punished so far. This was
the precise reason why the opposition has not shown much enthusiasm
in the all-party meetings
(http://www.hindu.com/2007/04/05/
stories/2007040519961100.htm ). They have been of the opinion that
"they will not attend any all-party meeting till those responsible
for the violence and firing are arrested." The resistance has gone
on, for people lost faith in the government. Given this background,
is this not a bit disingenuous to wonder - as the veritable mouthpiece
of CPM does -(http://www.hindu.com/2007/11/12
/stories/2007111259681200.htm ), "[b]ut once the State government
made it absolutely clear that the chemical hub would not be established
in Nandigram, what raison d'etre could exist for the disruptive activities
of the BUPC and the continuing violence of the
opposition in West Bengal?"
"Bol ki lab aazad hain
tere" (Speak, for your lips are free: Faiz Ahmad Faiz (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Faiz_Ahmad_Faiz
)
And the lips had spoken.
Not always in the expected ways. But in a
chilling chronicle that had foretold deaths. After the resistance of
the
ordinary peasants of Nandigram in early January had compelled the West
Bengal government to declare that no land will be grabbed without people's
wishes, ominous sound bytes started emerging from CPM leaders. On 29th
January a central committee member of the party, also the state health
minister, Suryakanta Misra, was elaborating on the role the opposition
was playing in stalling the State Government's drive for industrialisation
in a public meeting at Khejuri (three kilometres away from Sonachura
village of Nandigram). His advice to the farmers, "Winter is retreating
and summer is on. Venomous snakes may raise heads from their holes.
They may even bite. Keep the staff of the red flag handy. As they spread
their hood, strike them. That would treat them fine."
(http://www.anandabazar.com/archive/1070130/30raj3.htm
) Not the best words to help reconciliation and restore trust in a strife-torn
region, you would admit. On the same day Benoy Konar, another central
committee member made the infamous posterior speech. In Satgachhia,
Bardhaman district, he fumed, "We are trying to build a thermoelectric
plant in Katoa. They [the opposition] are saying, they would not let
us. If Medha Patkar (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Medha_Patkar
) and Mamata Banerjee,
even by mistake, go to Katoa to create trouble, thousands of our women
comrades will turn their back on them and show them their posteriors."
Medha Patkar later found out there were indeed buttocks on display,
as promised. Thankfully, however, women comrades of the Party were spared
theordeal.
(http://www.kafila.org/2007/03/15/
medha-patkar-on-civil-war-in-nandigram/)
If death threats or downright
sexist remarks were not sufficient, there
were falsehoods. One hears that 90% of land acquired in Singur was monocrop
land
(http://www.hindu.com/2006/12/13/
stories/2006121303421100.htm ). But while Ms. Karat was on this
she also drops, rather coyly, that this was 'according to Government
records'. She conveniently forgets that there has been no update of
such records since 1970s
(http://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/rdv13n1/napmntui.htm
). Ms Karat also asserts, "Of the 997 acres required, the Government
has received consent letters from landowners for 952 acres." This
comes to close to 95.5%. As has been already exposed elsewhere
(http://www.countercurrents.org/kavita250407.htm
) an affidavit filed by the West Bengal Government on the 27th March,
2007 in response to an order of the Calcutta High Court contains a different
reality. "Compensation cheques have been collected for just 650
acres till date. And this compensation does not in any way imply consent,
since it is being accepted as a last resort after the fait-accompli
of acquisition. And even this figure amounts to around 67 per cent,
which is still lower than the 96 per cent claimed by the CPI(M)."
Such gems were emanating from a senior member of the Party, who is also
a Politbureau member, a Rajya Sabha member, current Vice President and
General Secretary of the All India
Democratic Women's Association for two decades. On
12th November the chief minister of the state Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee
was heard lamenting, (http://www.anandabazar.com/13raj1.htm
) "it would have been better if the CRP (Central Reserve Police
Force) had arrived three days earlier. They could have been deployed
in Nandigarm three days earlier." Asked why the CRP was stopped
at Tamluk, he replies, "Trinamul was blocking them. Strangely,
Trinamul leader herself had urged the Centre to send the CRP!"
The Anandabazar Patrika reports, "Facts are telling a different
story. On Sunday two CRP vehicles got blocked by the CPM cadres at Reyapara
and Hanschara. Women supporters of CPM had a sit in in front of the
vehicles. The CRP returned after waiting for 40 minutes."
Which side are you
on, Mr Bhattacharjee?
Abhirup Sarkar is professor
of Economics at Indian Statistical Institute, Kolkata. In an article
in Economic and Political Weekly (www.epw.org.in
) dated 28th January, 2006, he had an interesting hypothesis on the
convergence of economic stagnation and political stability in West Bengal.
Sarkar addresses another paradox which has been a matter of puzzlement
for many in an article in Anandabazar Patrika
(http://www.anandabazar.com/archive/1071114/14edit4.htm
) on 14th November, 2007. How could the all-powerful party let the BUPC
'capture' several villages in the Nandigram area, and keep it under
their control for eleven long months? As has been confirmed by the long
time party insiders (http://sanhati.com/articles/446/
), there was lack of a genuine willingness from the side of the party
to resolve the issue. Could not the party - which knows and understands
rural Bengal like no one else does and has been ruling it for 30 years
- break the resistance if it wanted to? Surely the opposition parties
have played a part in prolonging it, but was
there a real urgency from this side? Not a single top ranking leader
cared to visit Nandigram after the firing of 14th March. Neither did
the police minister-cum-chief minister, Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, show
any inclination to do so. The party has been claiming that the police
are simply not able to penetrate Nandigram. Is it credible that the
CPM mercenaries armed with automatic weapons could enter and a trained
police force could not?
One hypothesis which is doing
the rounds is that the top leadership of the party really wanted a breakthrough,
but it was the local strongman Laxman Seth who actually called the shots.
This theory does not stand scrutiny. CPM is a rigidly disciplined political
party. Senior leaders of the standing of Nripen Chakrabarti or Saifuddin
Choudhury had a termination of their political careers when they went
against the party. What happened in Nandigarm indeed had the full backing
of the party. But why did the party choose such a macabre method? Did
this not benefit the Trinamul Congress? Sarkar opines, cynical calculations
of the party leadership had concluded that the terror will send a clear
and sharp message to the state subjects ahead of the Panchayat elections
next year. After all, both CPM and Trinamul have consistently depended
on muscle power for retaining their stranglehold over people. In the
last Panchayat elections of 2003 CPM spread relentless terror in rural
Bengal. 16.45% of the seats that were won by the Left Front were without
any contest.
The movement of Nandigram
was linked with land and therefore had a mass base. In the end, however,
it ended up being a fight of relative fire powers. Trinamul country
guns could not match the SLRs of CPM. Credit where it is due. Sarkar's
analysis of the post-January political machination is incisive and appeals
to reason. Reading the article, however, one gets the impression that
the entire issue was that of a political turf war between the CPM and
Trinamul. Lest we forget, it all started on a clear neo-liberal stirring.
The 25,000 acres that the government was desperate to acquire was not
to build a new party office, not even to distribute largesse to the
party sycophants. It was to act as an over-enthusiastic, real estate
agent of a multinational company with an anti-people track record
(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sudono_Salim
). It's not surprising that the corporate media is working overtime
(http://www.telegraphindia.com/
1071116/asp/opinion/story_8548040.asp,
http://www.telegraphindia.com/archives/archive.html ) to obfuscate the
underlying neo-liberal insinuations on which the poor are butchering
the
poor. The gore and horror which accompany neo-liberal assault on our
resources and rights are too revolting to ignore - even by the middle
class, upper class allies of the new dispensation. Therefore these are
packaged as dirty political games, which must be disinfected away -
along with political parties, if possible - from the civil society.
Incidentally, after presiding over the gang rapes
(http://www.indianexpress.com/story/239674.html
), lootings, firing at
peaceful demonstrations
(http://www.thestatesman.net/page.arcview.php?
date=2007-11-11&usrsess=1&clid=1&id=203308) by his party
cadres, the chief minister fell over himself to assure us that "no
investor has backed out!"
(http://www.thehindu.com/2007/11/14/
stories/2007111461371600.htm ). This is the point where one questions,
which side are you on? We hope the politically minded supporters of
CPM are also beginning to wonder.
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