Hindutva Undivided
Family
By Ram Puniyani
26 April, 2005
Countercurrents.org
Recent
statement of K. Sudarshan (April2005) that Vajpayee and Advani should
retire created a lot of storm in the tea cup. It appeared as if heavens
have fallen on this combine and we will be witnessing some thing drastic
on the political scenario. Just a few days later another news item spoke
that most of the children of RSS have been told to keep their mouth
shut on this issue. No doubt some VHP top brass did endorse the Sangh
supremo's fatwa but by that time the damage control department of RSS
took over and word has been sent far and wide to the vocal elements
of RSS progeny not to comment on this in house pulling up of the errand
sons by the patriarch of the family. As matters shaped up, in due course
the storm was brought under control and the storm in the tea cup is
showing the signs of subsiding. No doubt some cracks in the RSS family
became visible to the public. Also some of the weaknesses of its electoral
face, BJP, came to the surface in a very visible way. But can we read
this episode as the decline of RSS or Hindu right? Is it that RSS grip
on the sections of society and the political levers from behind the
curtains is weakening? Is it that the hay days of RSS and its progeny
are over?
No doubt, even in
the past, Vajpayee came in for some flak from the more rabid elements
like Praveen Bhai Togadia, Sighal etc. It was also rumored that RSS
may float another party, as an alternate to BJP, which will be more
in line with the agenda of RSS. The in house squabbles over the spoils
of power and pelf have been too numerous to be recounted. But there
is more to this outfit, the sangh combine, which makes it a resilient
structure, capable of wrecking Indian democracy, the samples of which
have been seen in the past in the form of Babri demolition, murder of
Pastor Stains and the Gujarat pogrom.
All this is most
outer layer of sangh structure and functioning. In a way all this just
amounts to nothing but some of the intra family differences being aired
in public. These have a limited value as BJP itself has been doing the
balancing act between its deeper loyalty to RSS agenda of Hindu nation
and its limitation of not being in the power on its own. At the core
level from suave looking Vajpayee to roughshod Modi and Togadia, there
are differences but these are the one's pertaining to the role they
have been allotted or taken up in pursuance of the politics of Hindutva.
They all have a loyalty and commitment to RSS and its anti democratic
project of demolishing the democracy to institute the authoritarian
rule controlled from the top by the iron claws of RSS and its ideology.
The main functionaries of all these organizations have been trained
in the same ideology, with the same curriculum and same social goals
in mind. At that level the unanimity is total and complete, what differs
is the area of operation and the language and strategy to appeal to
particular sections of society.
RSS was shrewder
than its parallel hindutva outfit Hindu Mahasabha, which plunged into
politics head on, and within few years of getting independence it withered
away as it had not prepared a layer of cadres who will carry on its
agenda. At that time many of them who were trained by RSS later joined
to become part of Hindu Mahasabha, Nathuram Godse being the most notorious
example of that. RSS was at one level inspired by Savarkar's formulation
of Hinduta, Hindu nation and it did take up from Savarkar's interpretation
of history, the version which was primarily used in its Shakha bauddhiks,
to indoctrinate the swayamsevaks. It had aimed at cultural manipulation
of society to preserve the feudal hierarchies of caste and gender, and
focused on training the volunteers who are equipped with its ideology.
It was only after
its being banned in the aftermath of Gandhi murder that thought began
in RSS to start a political outfit. That's how Shyamaprasad Mukherjee
of Hindu Mahasabha, who had the experience of running coalition ministry
along with Muslim League in Bengal, floated Janasngh and RSS lent its
important volunteers like Deen dayal Upaddhay, Vajpayee etc. to work
for the new party.
In the course of
its trajectory RSS kept throwing up organizations for different aspects
of society and the plethora kept on expanding. In a way one interesting
point is not only division of labor but also duplication of the caste
and gender hierarchy in the RSS planning. Broadly it did follow the
Varna system and female subjugation in its planning. As Brahmins are,
the highest in hierarchy, RSS kept itself as the thinkers and providers
of ideas to other lower and subordinate rungs of the ladder. Earlier
Jan Sangh and later BJP assumed the role of khatriya, the warriors on
the political battle field, VHP and Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram played the
background supporting role like the viashyas and Bajarang dal, plays
the role of low caste shudras the storm troopers, the one who take up
the trishuls and lately guns for the glory of Hindu nation.
Keeping with the
times women's services have also been roped in as subordinate Rashtra
Sevika samiti and Durga vahini. The role of women in communal violence,
as the perpetrators of violence is being mediated through the latter.
In Mumbai riots one witnessed this phenomenon through Shiv Sena Mahila
agahdi, a women's organization subordinate to Shiv Sena, the close relative
of RSS. In Gujarat Durga Vahini played this role where the women assisted
'their' men folk in the anti minority violence in more ways than one.
In a big family
differences do come up. There are all the attempts to keep these in
the confines of the family; the repressive autocrat, RSS Sarsangh chalak,
usually does this job. But again some of these differences do spill
out in the open and that's when the RSS supremo reprimands openly. Also
at times many a children do bit of in(out)fighting. But surely this
is not the first time. These infightings, sometimes visible in the open,
have been occurring sporadically but ultimately have been controlled
over a period of time. Some leeway is wriggled out by the dissenting
children but overall those differing from the patriarch, RSS' dictates
are marginalized in due course of time. One recalls Balraj Madhok, one
of the earlier Presidents of Jansangh was marginalized as he diferred
from the main fatwas coming from Nagpur, The RSS head office. Currently
the likes of Praful Goradia who has sounded the dissenting note will
be forgotten in due course. Problem with expanding families is that
differences are likely to crop up due to the multifarious activities
of the spectrum, but overall the supreme organization RSS, the Brahmin
of the family does have the final word and say.
If one scratches
one's memory there is a clever use of those working for the Sangh, for
periods of time. At one time no major BJP meeting was complete without
the venom spewed by Sadhvi Rithambra. Memory about her is by now totally
erased from the public mind. Dr. Togadia also seems to have been quitened
by some ideological tranquilizer as the Sangh may be feeling his outpourings
are spoiling the RSS-BJP image in the larger sections of society.
Two comparatively
marginal points but of some significance are Sudarshan's comments about
Uma Bharati's background. What type of background is being talked about
one is not sure but her belonging to OBC will matter at some point of
time in the hierarchical notions being upheld by RSS. Interestingly
amongst the Prime ministers who were relatively appreciated, one was
Narasimha Rao who provided all the passivity needed from the state to
demolish the Babri masjid, the event which laid the foundations of BJPs
assertion in electoral arena. Vajpayee comes lower on the scale as he
being an in-house man was expected to do more than what he did in the
service of Hindu nation. But internally they all realize that it was
a coalition due to which his report card is not as 'bright' as
expected of a swayamsevak. Narasimha Rao had the advantage that he could
conceal his khaki knickers under his dhoti, while poor Vajpayee had
the compulsion of holding the tricolor while he was dictated to hold
the saffron flag by the supreme authorities of his family.
Overall as by now
RSS swayamsevaks have spread far and wide, even if they are not in political
level barring a few states their impact on the society at political
level is too deep to be ignored. So even if these cracks in the sangh
outfit are visible how much it will actually weaken its venom remains
to be seen. Probably the ground level work of RSS affiliates will continue
as before and RSS control on BJP will also remain unaffected.