Communalising
Kerala
By K.N. Panikkar
Another bastion is falling.
Kerala known for its relatively harmonious communal relations has lately
witnessed quite a few clashes between members of different communities.
In Nadapuram, Panur, Taikal and Pathanamthitta. The latest is in Marad,
a coastal village near Kozhikode, in which nine persons were brutally
killed and several injured on May 3. It was not a communal riot in the
generally accepted sense, in which the members of two communities violently
engage with each other, in most cases spontaneously, due to some immediate
provocation. In Marad, it was a sudden attack by a group of people well
armed and well organized who, if the police are to be believed, carried
out the operation in one sweep in less than 15 minutes.
Marad has fallen victim to
communal fury for a second time. In January last year the members of
two communities had clashed, the reason for which is not entirely known.
It is believed that inter-communal tension grew out of a New Year day
function. Five persons were killed, about 100 houses were destroyed
and several boats on fire. Many in the predominantly fishing community
in the village lost their means of livelihood. It aroused considerable
indignation and concern, especially among social activists and the intelligentsia,
who took several initiatives to bring about communal harmony. The Government
also intervened, particularly in the field of rehabilitation. Yet, they
did not have the desired effect, as evident from the repetition of the
brutality, which many believe has its roots in the first incident. This
is because the efforts to bring about communal harmony did not address
the basic issue, namely, the communalisation of Kerala society, particularly
after the demolition of the Babri Masjid, an important marker in the
social consciousness of both the Muslim minority and the Hindu majority.
During the last couple of
decades, the activity and influence of communal formations have considerably
increased in Kerala. According to the data published by the Organiser
in its issue of March 25, 2001, the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh runs
4300 `shakas' and `upasakhas' in Kerala. The increase in numbers thereafter
is not known. The Vishwa Hindu Parishad has now established its organisational
set up in almost all parts of the state. Recently, it undertook the
distribution of tridents, as a part of the effort to use religious symbols
for mobilisation and to create self-confidence rooted in religious identity.
There are a couple of newspapers and quite a few periodicals which generally
serve the Hindu communal cause. Saraswati Shishu Mandirs and such other
schools serve as recruiting grounds of unsuspecting young children.
There are innumerable cultural organisations, promoting and disseminating
communal ideas in the guise of patronising literature, theatre, traditional
arts and science or the renovation of village temples. Their activities
have led to the emergence of a cultural right in Kerala, which receives
legitimacy from intellectuals who claim to be independent. The intervention
of these institutions has made a qualitative change in the consciousness
and outlook of a fairly large number of Hindus. A fundamentalist shift
has taken place.
A similar tendency has developed
among the Muslims as well. After the demolition of the Babri Masjid,
a section of the Muslim youth felt rather restive and dissatisfied with
the pacifist stand taken by the existing political and social formations.
They rallied around more militant outfits such as the Islamic Service
Society and the National Development Front. There are also several other
fundamentalist groups, active in different fields of social life. The
following of the fundamentalist- militant organisations has been steadily
on the increase for quite some time. The reformist forces among the
Muslims have not been able check this.
The incident in Marad indicates
that communalism has arrived in Kerala. It is a proof that the stage
of proto-communalism, which had a long period of incubation, is over.
During this phase, a sense of religious division had slowly emerged,
socially articulated through organised religiosity. The organisations
of different religions vie with each other to bring the faith of the
believer to the streets. The religious practices have now spilled over
from the domestic and sacred spaces to the public space, eliminating
in the process the distinction between religious beliefs and religiosity.
Religious processions in which women and children participate carrying
religious symbols is a familiar sight in almost all parts of Kerala.
The street processions have become common for festivals of all religious
denominations. This was unknown about 20 years back, but now conducted
with the support of social organisations and the blessings of public
figures. Like `raksha bandan', which was never a part of the cultural
tradition of Kerala, almost every upper caste practice has now become
a common Hindu religious public celebration. The participation in publicly
organised religious functions is a source of psychological satisfaction
and creates a sense of solidarity. Kerala is now besieged by godmen
and women, widely patronised by political leaders, giving legitimacy
to the superstitions surrounding them. The spiritual retreats managed
by them are many, which attract the crisis-ridden middle class as a
source of solace, if not as a means of escape from the pressures of
`globalised' life. The resulting social hegemony of religious discourse
legitimises religious social division. Consequently, the Hindus, the
Muslims and the Christians have emerged as separate entities, not only
in their personal and domestic lives, but also in social existence.
As a consequence, a transition from the communitarian to the communal
has been taking place, slowly but steadily. Marad is an example of that
transition, which is occurring in many parts of Kerala.
The communal idea is thus
well embedded in society. The social base of all secular parties has
been eroded and a fairly large section of the population has become
ideologically communal, even if not politically so. It is because communalism
has not yet become a political alternative in the State. When it does,
a reconfiguration of the electoral base of several political parties
is on the cards. The Marad incident is likely to hasten this process,
as every communal riot widens the social distance between communities
and enhances mutual hostility.
The demographic pattern of
Kerala characterised by the interspersed distribution of the members
of religious denominations is both strength and weakness. It tends to
promote secular consciousness by creating a shared common space in daily
life. But at the same time it could engender greater violence at the
time of communal conflict. Therefore the communalisation of Kerala can
spell much greater disaster than in other parts of the country. In Marad,
where Hindus and Muslims are evenly distributed and live together, an
atmosphere of fear and suspicion has gripped the minds of people. Many,
it is reported, afraid of further violence, have deserted their localities.
The ghettoisation, which might follow, would intensify communal hostility.
When communal violence takes
place the strong and decisive intervention of the state is crucial for
its suppression. The district authorities have promised impartial and
immediate action. A judicial enquiry also has been ordered. While they
are all important in themselves in punishing the guilty, which should
be done expeditiously, efforts are urgently needed to reverse the process
of communalisation. Since the hitherto followed methods of speeches,
demonstrations and cultural events have not been effective enough, it
is time to explore other means. A possible alternative is grassroot-level
interventions for fostering secular consciousness rather than working
only for communal harmony. Communal harmony after all cannot be a reality
without secular social consciousness.