Tunisia's Old Guard Sing To A Different Tune
By Marwan Asmar
24 January, 2011
Countercurrents.org
It is being called a revolution, a popular uprising, a rejection of the political dictatorship of the past. The Tunisian daily shuddering of street demonstrations and the sudden exposition of opinions across-the-board popular spectrum means the heralding of a new stage—a cut from the unipolar, totalitarian past that concentrated power in the hands of a schematic, tunneled regime.
The Tunisian revolution is seen today as a paradigm of different and potentially contradictory elements that have come together in unison to disrobe the old order, and point to a new future despite the murky details that still to be unraveled.
When now former president Zain al-Abidine Ben Ali made a less than gracious exit out of the country on 14 January, 2011, his First Minister Mohammad Al Ghanoushi and leader of the Lower House Fouad Al Mobaza quickly stepped to fill in the power vacuum and provide an interim government for general elections in 60 days, and as stated by the Constitution.
It was a brave move on their part, in the light of the popular turmoil engulfing the country since Mohammad Bu Azzizi on 17 December, 2010 set himself alight in protest of his livelihood, a fruit and vegetable cart, being taken away.
It was a bold decision because the interim government was already facing demonstrations that increased in intensity after 14 January, which continued to call for its resignation, as a body that was a reminder of the repression of the past.
It was clearly not meant to be a smooth ride. The popular street quickly caught on what happened in the past. A change of regime that was promised to be democratic but turned out dictatorial and repressive when Ben Ali took power in 1987.
This time the people were not going to play neither the fools nor taken for a ride. They, ordinary men and women, educated middle classes, lawyers, intellectuals, professionals, young people in search of jobs, felt if they did not keep up the pressure, the revolution would be hijacked by the cronies of Ben Ali, the old guard of Tunisian politics.
After all, Ghanoushi was first Minister under the regime of Ben Ali since 1999. Al Mobaza was a key supporter, and six others that included the Interior, Foreign Affairs Defense and Finance were in the hands of members of the Democratic Constitutional Rally Party (RCD) who ruled Tunis tooth and nail since 1956 and under the clutch of Ben Ali since 1987 when he himself took power through a coup against his protégé the Habib Bourguiba, who was described as going senile and a French stooge.
The street was apprehensive, aware that if pressure was not kept on the old order, the dictatorial methods, repression, censure, the clump down on freedoms would continue under the new government, regardless of its interim status, or whether it for the first time included members of the opposition or not—four members were given minor portfolios—but subsequently resigned, also under pressure from the street.
To show sincerity and to try to quell the opposition Al Ghanoushi and Al Mobazaa resigned from the RCD, and First Minister—equivalent to Prime Minister—promised he would leave politics after the elections .
Overnight repressive policies were lifted, freedom of expression guaranteed and political parties once banned were made legal. These included the Movement of Social Democrats, Party of People's Unity, the Green Party, the Islamic Al Nahda and a host of others.
But unease is continuing, the street remains repentant, refusing to submit what they call ministers belonging to an old repressive regime and had long discredited itself through political corruption and mass nepotism in the state bureaucracy.
Daily demonstrations are being held in Tunisia and across the country for a complete overhaul despite the fact that Ghanoushi says he himself was a victim of the system in place.
When historians come to write the chronology of the revolution they might be surprised to learn the extent of the alienation Ben Ali and the ruling regime created not only among society but among those sectors that had been thought to be pillars of the ruling party that included the security apparatuses, police, army, politicians, civil servants and of course those in the public sector.
The fall of Ben Ali after 14 January created reverberations, repercussions, and setbacks in Tunis, in north Africa, especially Libya whose leader Moamer Qadaffi mourned the sad loss of Ben Ali, in Algeria, among Arab countries and internationally.
This was mainly because of its popular intensity, its wider base of support among workers, middle classes, intellectuals, activists, different professions like lawyers, teachers, journalists and professional organizations that were previously banned.
On the one hand as well, it is being called as the “Facebook revolution”. When Tunisian heard of what happened to Bu Azzizi, they all started to send messages through Facebook, telling everyone to be on their guard.
In a population of 10.5 million, it is suggested that 34 percent are online and nearly 2 million or 18 percent use Facebook in spite of the fact that it was being watched diligently by members of the secret police, and in spite of the fact that certain websites like Twitter was being blocked.
It was an educated population and highly politicized despite the fact that political parties including Islamists and leftists were banned. Many said Ben Ali had clamped on the Islamists, banned the wearing of the Hijab in public places and tightly controlled the mosques and the Imams and what they said in the Friday Khtuba. One western commentator said it was ironic that Ben repressed those Islamic policies which he now has to abide to in his new country of exile Saudi Arabia and now his wife Laila will have to wear the Hijab, something which he formerly and publically banned when he was ruler in Tunisia.
Repression without economic benefit may have gone a little bit too far under the strain of a depressed global economy. Economically, the situation was becoming tight for the working population, especially between the 15-24 year-old category which is highest in Tunisia the same as it is in the Middle East. Youth unemployment in this category is particularly high as well.
With employment high—unofficial figures conservatively put it at 25 percent, people like Bu Azzi, a 26-year-old graduate, turn to doing odd jobs to support their families.
Observers suggested in the past people were prepared to tolerate repression because of their “reasonable” standard of living, but with employment creeping up, and the cost of living increasing, it was becoming intolerable.
Thus the revolution was ignited, unstoppable despite the police state the Ben Ali regime created through its network of secret agents, the 100-man strong presidential guards, and a network of informers who spied on their colleagues, neighbors and even friends.
Yet with the benefit of hindsight one wonders how strong this security apparatus was whose columns perforated Tunisian society but clearly failed to support a dying regime in its hour of need, and in less than four week when the populace started to shake it military, political and intellectual foundations and led to the fall of one of its pillar figures, Ben Ali.
In spite of the continuing old guard, somewhere down the line there must have been a fundamental schism waiting to be ripped apart at its political, ideological, if it really exists, and security seams. The RCD was a paper tiger, the state was faulty and precarious.
When it came to the crunch, the army at the behest of Chief-of-Staff General Rachid Ammar refused to fire at demonstrators refusing orders and withdrawing arm support to the regime. It was almost swords were being turned into plowshares. After 14 January, many of the police put on their civilian cloths and joined the demos.
In the Sidi Bu Zeid, the place that set off the Jasmine Revolution, 100 policemen demonstrated in the city, saying they have been victims of the former regime and shouted, in their uniforms and without, “we are also the victims of the Tarabulsi gang”, those that surrounded the Ben Ali regime, reaping much income through controlling the economy and its different business sectors.
In light of what the police were saying, the echelon around the Ben Ali regime were indeed being described in terms of a gang and a mafia, at the top of whom was the president’s wife Leila Al Tarabulsi, Sakher Al Matari and others that plagued the state for their personal end and desires.
With a police state behind them, they rode roughshod over the whole economy. Frustrated RCD party members later came out and said the ruling party was indeed hijacked by people for their own ends and interests, in spite of the fact it dominated political life in Tunisia.
Today, the acting government is promising to act against the “mafia” of the Ben Ali regime, it has already arrested 35 members of his relatives and is questing 1200 who it is said directly benefited from Ben Ali himself. His presidential guard, members of whom made a light-heartened intent to hold the fort a few days after 14 January, were quashed by the army and the government says its has dismantled the politburo of the ruling party, which is slowly becoming dysfunctional.
Much developments are taking place much too rapidly. The old guard in the government is still holding place, hoping for a continuation of a velvet revolution while the street opposition which are now being lead by the labor movement, the General Union of Tunisian Trade Workers, as well as lawyers and different professions are sticking to their guards.
The revolution itself is creating international and regional effects. Countries like Switzerland and the European Union are mulling over the idea of freezing the funds held by Ben Ali and his supporters in their banks while in the Arab world, people are only too pleased to see the back of yet another dictator.
Indeed, it shows how much the world is changing. While some countries do still stand by their allies, displaying in "brothers-in-arms" attitude, others, notably in the West, are refusing to touch them with a red-iron poker. Interests are no longer enough to support dictators, especially when the game is up!
Despite talk of the Jasmine revolution likelihood of filtering to the rest of the Arab world, there were jitters especially in Egypt and Jordanian, no doubt because of their different brands of political representation. In Jordan demos against high prices and unemployment has made the government announce overnight price slash on different commodities increase the pay of public sector workers in an attempt to cushion the Tunisian uprising.
Interesting as well as, is the copy-cat immolations that has taking place across the region from Algeria, which is itself experiencing popular demonstrations, Mauritania, Egypt, and even one case reported in Saudi Arabia.
If they point to anything, the self burning show the desperate measures people are prepared to go throw to reflect their desperate situations in their own countries. If anything it should make leaders heed to the calls of their people because it should tell of the simmering time bombs.
Comments are not moderated. Please be responsible and civil in your postings and stay within the topic discussed in the article too. If you find inappropriate comments, just Flag (Report) them and they will move into moderation que.
