Kashmir
Dialogue Process
Needs To Be Broadened
By Wajahat Habibullah
& Priyashree Andley
04 July, 2007
Epilogue Magazine
India’s Chief Information
Commissioner, Wajahat Habibullah is also New Delhi’s expert hand
on Kashmir affairs. As an IAS officer serving Jammu and Kashmir for
nearly two and half decades in various key capacities, Wajahat Habibullah
has often reached out to the hearts and minds of people. His last posting
in the Valley as Divisional Commissioner of Kashmir was ended abruptly
following a fatal attack on his life while peacefully negotiating with
the militants who had laid a siege on the Hazratbal shrine. Even after
leaving Kashmir he has been handling Kashmir ever since. A key back
channel negotiator of Government of India on bringing Kashmiri separatists
to the talking table, Wajahat has researched and written extensively
on Jammu and Kashmir. His latest works include, the Political Economy
of Kashmir Conflict, USIP Washington DC, June 2005 and Kashmiris and
the Kashmir Conflict, Frank Class London, July 2004. In an exclusive
interview for EPILOGUE magazine, he speaks to PRIYASHREE ANDLEY on a
variety of issues pertaining to Jammu and Kashmir including the contours
of peace process and the model of local self-governance which he is
working at. Here are excerpts:
EPILOGUE: What is the main achievement of the round
table conference? How has the non participation of the separatist impacted
upon its success?
WAJAHAT:
The idea of a round table conference (RTC) is that it should involve
all parties. It is no use talking to the people who have the same opinion
on the present situation in the state. The round table conference was
introduced so that all sections of political leaderships in the state
could flesh out their ideas and discuss them. This has not happened
till now. The absence of the element separatist has definitely affected
the success of the round table conferences. It is like the British having
a round table conference without the nationalists! Unless you have the
persons demanding separation of the state talking to the other parties
in the state, the main points of disagreement are not being discussed.
RTCs cannot become the route to resolution unless all leaders are present
in it. New Delhi has made concerted efforts to persuade the separatists
to participate in the conferences but has been unsuccessful.
EPILOGUE: The
Working Group on Centre-State relations did not submit its report at
the third round table conference. Given the ambiguity on the concepts
of ‘self-rule,’ ‘internal autonomy,’ ‘self-governance,
is it possible for the WG to reach a consensus on the issue and present
its report?
WAJAHAT:
Yes, a consensus can be reached on the issue. I have given my own proposal
of ‘local self-governance,’ to Justice Saghir Ahmad who
heads this WG. The WG wants more time to complete its report. They have
not given any time limit for submission of the same. Therefore, I can
only guess that by the next RTC they should hopefully have the report
ready.
EPILOGUE:
Yasin Malik’s Safar-e-Azadi, a six month long campaign to involve
Kashmiris in the dialogue process between India and Pakistan has drawn
much interest. With an increasing mass following of the separatist rallies,
how can New Delhi sustain the peace dividends?
WAJAHAT The
process is not as simplistic as this. There are three dimensions of
the Safar-e-Azadi campaign. The first dimension is the demand for rehabilitation
of the Kashmiri Pandits. The second dimension is the support extended
for the Indo-Pak dialogue process. The third dimension is the demand
for involvement of the Kashmiris in that dialogue. So, this campaign
is much more than the demand for involving Kashmiris. The rallies organized
under Safr-e-Azadi campaign, are not directed against New Delhi. Yasin
Malik is leading this campaign because in his view it concerns the future
of Kashmir. It has certain objectives: First, to restore the secular
fabric and culture of the state that has been shattered. Second is to
reach out to the youth of the state. The youth are extremely frustrated
as they feel that there is no future for them. Yasin Malik is trying
to tell them that there is a future provided that the dialogue process
succeeds. Third, when there is a future, the Kashmiris should have a
part to play in decision making.
EPILOGUE:
Who proclaims to be the sole representative of the Kashmiris? Is it
Yasin Malik or Mirwaiz Umer Farooq?
WAJAHAT
Yasin Malik does not project himself as the sole representative of the
Kashmiris. He is deeply committed to the resolution of the conflict
and does not suggest that only ‘he’ should be involved in
the dialogue process. At the time of the 2002 elections, Yasin Malik
had agreed that whoever was going to represent Jammu and Kashmir for
any future dialogue should be authorized through an elected process.
He had been asked by the Hurriyat to set up an election commission.
He also nominated people for the commission who were to organize an
election. So, he favoured an electoral framework where representatives
were elected. Hence he was not claiming to be the only Kashmiri voice.
However, he will always make a bid to be a contender.
The Mirwaiz’s group
has a different stand. It has claims to being the representative of
the Kashmiri people, demanding that it should be included in the dialogue
process. The All Party Hurriyat Conference is very strident in supporting
the ‘Musharraf’ line (the official Pakistan line). They
favour Musharraf’s four point programme.
The Hurriyat could be willing
to contest the elections if the first three points of Musharraf’s
plan are accepted. Then the only point to discuss will be self-governance.
If it wins the elections then it contends that it will provide the people
with self-governance. So far it is only Professor Butt who has enunciated
the idea suggesting the appointment of a prime minister and president
for the state. This idea gels well with the National Conference’s
concept of autonomy. However, both claim that it is ‘their’
idea of autonomy or self-governance! This has complicated the situaton.
EPILOGUE:
What are the major developments in the state that impact upon the peace
process?
WAJAHAT
On the positive side, there is increasing recognition on all sides that
present boundaries will remain. I prefer using the term present boundaries
than the line of control. They will remain but they will be open boundaries.
Within the framework of the constitutions of India and Pakistan, the
people of the state will try and bring maximum self-government that
is achievable within these systems. These principles need to be discussed
and not become the bases for killing each other. Therefore, there is
a general retreat from the idea of using violence.
There is a very strong negative side too. The young people are highly
dissatisfied. The older generation is willing to reconcile unlike the
youth. There is so much money but the opportunities for employment are
limited. This makes it difficult for young people to generate their
own livelihood. So, this can become a formula for destruction. It will
cause jealousy and envy among the people. The moral fiber of this society
is in complete disarray. There are increasing cases of suicide and retreat
from traditional moral values. This would have a disruptive effect on
the stability of the society.
The kingpins of that highly
stable society were the women. The kingpins of the insurgency were also
the women. They virtually led it as I personally saw it. However, at
present they are the group that is highly discriminated against and
marginalized. There is no role for them even though they are the strongest
resource base for peace. The negative elements were kept under check
only because of the women. All sections including the police have victimized
them.
EPILOGUE: What
is your opinion on hosting a RTC for the separatists and talking to
militants?
WAJAHAT
The government of India agrees that it is necessary to talk to all elements
in the conflict. However the modalities will have to be worked out to
host a RTC in which separatists will participate. A RTC means participation
of all sections involved in the conflict. This has not been the case
so far in J&K. None of the Kashmri Pandits in the valley were invited.
Will the Pandits who left the valley decide on its future or those who
are still inside? In my opinion, different groups could have met separately
and then an RTC should have been organized.
An upbeat development is seen in Salauddin’s recent statement
wherein he supports the cause of the Kashmiri Pandits inside the valley.
Similarly, Yasin Malik in his campaign is talking in favour of the Pandits
returning to the valley. I think it is the most positive development
that has taken place. Yasin Malik has taken two Kashmir Pandits in his
Safar-e-Azadi. These are significant changes that India should take
note of.
The Safar-e-Azadi can work
in favour of the dialogue process to which India stands committed. Yasin
Malik’s three point agenda is not against the peace process. The
demand for involving Kashmiris could be one that India does not want
to consider in the present situation. However, arresting him before
the launch of the campaign is absurd. It should be realized that the
movement is not pro-Pakistan.
The mirage of Pakistan stands
broken especially after the latest developments in Pakistan. There is
increasing disillusionment with Pakistan. Consequently, it should be
realized that the separatists’ trend is not dangerous to New Delhi.
India should not be afraid of this trend. In 1947 the fear was justified
as we had gone through a partition. It should be remembered that in
the 6th century BC, India was still India even though it was comprised
of 16 states, the Solasamahajanapadas. Even today, our strength lies
in the fact that every state’s people regard themselves as being
Indian while still being Bengali, Marathi or Bihari.
New Delhi fears the aspirations in Kashmir as it has a Muslim majority
population. However, the Kashmiri aspirations are the same as that of
a Tamil for Tamil Nadu, a Kannada for Karnataka and a Telangi for Telengana.
However, Kashmiri aspirations do not even converge with what the people
feel in Doda, Poonch or Rajouri. This suggests that it is a very regional
aspiration. The Indian system is well accomplished to deal with such
regional aspirations. Still we fear it because of years of suspicion.
In Tamil Nadu, the Tamils
sympathize with their counterparts in Sri Lanka but this does not mean
that they all want to leave Tamil Nadu and go to Sri Lanka. This also
holds true for the Muslims in Kashmir. The sympathy for Pakistan is
declining. There was always a small group that had pro-Pakistani aspirations
but this was never in a majority. That is why Sheikh Abdullah had cashed
in on this opportunity and opted for India. He knew that this population
would not reconcile with the Punjabi Muslim majority. We have to understand
this situation. We are on a threshold but it could go either way. We
have to speak and persuade to change the situation. Anger should not
be allowed to rise among the youth. Our aim is much larger and we have
to work harder.
EPILOGUE:
Can Kashmir’s borders become irrelevant given years of mistrust
between the two countries? Would economic cooperation between the two
sides of Kashmir contribute to such a situation?
WAJAHAT:
The Indo-Pak dialogue has made much headway in the recent past. This
should have strengthened the internal peace process. Unfortunately,
it has had a reverse effect in some ways because the Kashmiris feel
they are being left out of the dialogue. Borders are still relevant
but they can become irrelevant and in this process the Kashmiris have
an important role. Cross border trade and investment from each side
can facilitate softening of borders. The RTC is an instrument that can
facilitate participation of all Kashmiris in dialogue. Unless separatists
and the other leadership are part of such conferences little headway
can be made on issues like irrelevance of borders. These are a people
of certain stature and should be respected for that.
Economic activities across the borders are a significant means to improve
relations in the region. For example the forests were the richest resource
of the Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir. Today, the so-called LOC runs
through these forests. This has prevented their fruitful utilisation
by both sides. They have been badly exploited and decimated in the recent
past. There is a need to reconsider this issue and structure a joint
forest development plan on both sides of the border. The region is the
richest source of timber: Chinar, silver Birch, Saal, Oak and Teak.
Some of these varieties are not available even in rest of the country.
A Srinagar-Muzaffarabad truck service has not so far been launched.
The cause of delay lies on Pakistan’s side. It is possibly afraid
of being engulfed by the larger Indian economy and fears the larger
economic gains for India. The Indian PM is most willing to open more
routes such as Kargil-Skardu. However, Pakistan has to make the next
move. Another plausible way to conduct trade is by maritime exchange
of goods. You can travel by boat and go all the way to Lahore.
A younger generation of politicians in the state can bring change and
exercise leadership. Yasin Malik, Mirwaiz Umer Farooq, Mehbooba Mufti
and Omar Abdullah are the leaders that have to be encouraged to work
to improve the scenario. They may blame each other, but that will be
part of an electoral process and should be accepted.
EPILOGUE: The
Pugwash Conference on Kashmir was first postponed and then cancelled?
Does this augur well for New Delhi’s determination to encourage
open dialogue on Kashmir?
WAJAHAT:
New Delhi is not against intra-Kashmir dialogue organized by Indian
organizations. Recently, I visited Kashmir for a conference organized
by the Center for Dialogue and Reconciliation. Representatives from
Pakistan were also invited. Visas for this conference posed no problem.
So, New Delhi has been encouraging this dialogue.
However, New Delhi’s objection appears to be in allowing intra-Kashmir
dialogue being hosted by foreign organizations on Indian soil. As Pugwash
is an international organization, it was not allowed to organize it.
First, the Pugwash conference was to be hosted in Cochin in the last
week of April. It was postponed because its dates clashed with the third
RTC. When the venue shifted to Mumbai, the conference was cancelled
as visas were not issued to Pakistani participants. My feeling is that
this is not a matter to be worried about. However, that is the government’s
stand.
EPILOGUE: What
is your response to the Pakistani ambassador‘s statement that
Northern Areas were always a part of Pakistan?
WAJAHAT:
Pakistan has always said that Northern Areas were not part of what it
calls ‘AzadKashmir’.. Under Amritsar Treaty of 1846, Jammu
and Kashmir came under Maharaja Hari Singh. However, Pakistan claims
that Giligit and Baltistan (Northern Areas) were independent autonomous
republics in Jammu and Kashmir region but not part of the state of Jammu
and Kashmir. After partition the military leadership in Gilgit opted
for Pakistan. Also, the people of Gilgit and Baltistan do not want to
be associated with the state of Jammu and Kashmir. They want a separate
state within Pakistan.
Pakistan has also conceded
part of the area to China, perhaps because it did not consider it part
of the ‘disputed territory’. Nevertheless, the Pakistan
foreign office has distanced itself from the recent remarks made by
the Pakistan ambassador. The ambiguity will always remain because it
will have implications in the event of an increasingly remote possibility
of plebiscite in the state of Jammu and Kashmir
Musharraf also said that
Pakistan would not consider the UN Resolutions on Kashmir to reach a
solution. However, he has only repeated what was clearly affirmed in
the Simla agreement that Kashmir would be resolved on the bases of bilateral
dialogue. Hence, there is nothing new in the Pakistani responses that
should astonish India.
EPILOGUE:
Can you elaborate on your concept of “Naya Kashmir?”
WAJAHAT:
The basis of the concept is local self-governance at the village. It
is based on the Panchayati Raj system in India. Under this system, there
are three levels, namely, the village level, intermediate level and
the district level. In Jammu and Kashmir, I have suggested the village
level, the district level and the regional level. The base for having
a regional level is not religious or ethnic but geographical. The three
regions (Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh) are geographically variant. I have
suggested two assemblies for the Jammu region because it includes a
mountainous region and large plains.
The valley is only 80 miles long and 20 miles wide so it forms one unit.
Just like there are Hill Development Councils in Ladakh, you can have
similar councils in the other two regions. Pivotal to the whole suggestion
is self-governance at the village level. Then the second and third levels
could be adjusted accordingly. There can be no attempt to trifurcate
the state.
EPILOGUE:
Is New Delhi seriously considering Musharraf’s four-point formula?
WAJAHAT:
Musharraf says a lot of things even if he is unsure of his details.
I am not sure that he still is clear in what he means by self-governance.
The government of India is more circumspect and persevering. Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh has openly stated that Musharraf’s four points
could be considered for discussion by India.
However, these are not the only four points that can resolve the Kashmir
conflict. Nor is New Delhi putting forth another formula to counter
Musharraf’s four points. This is not how negotiations are conducted.
If Musharraf makes a statement in front of the media, New Delhi cannot
be expected to respond in like manner. Is television the means for conducting
dialogue? On the issue of Pakistan’s troops on the LOC, one needs
to note that their presence is illegal and against the UN Resolutions
unlike the presence of Indian troops.
On the whole, the Indo-Pak dialogue has made considerable progress.
It should not be arrested. Therefore, the Indian PM has been considerate
and accepted President Musharraf’s four-point formula for further
discussion.
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